First Jewish–Roman War

First Jewish–Roman War
Part of the Jewish–Roman wars
Judaea and Galilee in the first century
Date 66–74 CE Location Judaea (Roman province) Result Roman victory Destruction of Jerusalem and its Temple Development of Rabbinic Judaism out of the Pharisaic school Significant portion of the Jewish population killed, enslaved and displaced, and many towns and villages destroyed Collapse of the Jewish elite and disappearance of the Sadducees and Essenes Creation of Roman military camps and colonies Consolidation of Flavian rule in Rome
Belligerents
Roman Empire	Judean provisional government Sadducees Pharisees Supported by: Adiabene volunteers Peasantry faction Idumeans (69–70)	Radical factions: Zealots Idumeans (68) Sicarii
Commanders and leaders
Gessius Florus (66) Cestius Gallus  (DOW) (66) Vespasian (WIA) (67–69)[1] Titus (67–71)[2] Lucilius Bassus (71–72) Flavius Silva (72–73) Herod Agrippa II  (WIA)	Ananus ben Ananus †[3] Yosef ben Gurion  Joshua ben Gamla  Eleazar ben Hanania † Josephus (POW) Simon bar Giora  Judah ben Ari † Jacob ben Sosa (69–70)	Zealots: Yohanan of Gush Halav (POW) Eleazar ben Simon † Edomites: John Jacob ben Sosa (68) Simon ben Cathlas Phineas ben Clusothus Menahem ben Yehuda  Eleazar ben Ya'ir †
Strength
Roman guard 3,000 (spring 66) Syrian Legion 30–36,000 (summer 66) 5 Legions 60–80,000 (67–70) Legio X Fretensis 6,000 troops (70–73)	Judean provisional government forces: 20,000 total (66–67) 10,000 total (68) 3,000 Parashim guard 500 Adiabene warriors Peasantry: 40,000 (69) 15,000 (70) 3,000 (71) Idumeans 5,000 (69–70)	6,000 Zealots under Yohanan 2,400 Zealots under Eleazar 20,000 Idumeans (68) Sicarii: Several thousand (67) Several dozen or hundred (73)
Casualties and losses
10,000+ soldiers killed	25,000–30,000 killed	10,000–20,000 Zealots and Idumeans killed Thousands of Sicarii killed
According to Josephus, 1.1 million non-combatants died in Jerusalem and 100,000 in Galilee; 97,000 enslaved.[4] White[5] estimates the combined death toll[clarification needed] for the First and Third Roman Jewish Wars as being approximately 350,000.[6]

The First Jewish–Roman War (66–74 CE), sometimes called the Great Jewish Revolt,^[a] the First Jewish Revolt, or the Jewish War,^[b] was the first of three major rebellions by the Jews against the Roman Empire. Fought in the province of Judaea, it resulted in the destruction of Jewish cities and towns, including the metropolis of Jerusalem, the displacement of its population, the appropriation of land for Roman military use, and the destruction of the Jewish Temple and polity.

Judaea, once an independent kingdom under the Hasmoneans, gradually transitioned from a vassal state to a Roman province. The revolt arose due to oppressive Roman governance, marked by the harsh rule of successive governors, deep socioeconomic inequalities, lingering memories of national independence, and escalating religious and ethnic tensions. The immediate catalyst came in 66 CE during Nero's reign, triggered by a local disturbance in Caesarea involving the pagan sacrifice of a bird near a synagogue. This unrest was followed by the Roman governor Gessius Florus seizing funds from the Second Temple's treasury and subsequent massacres of Jerusalem's population. These actions provoked widespread rebellion in the city, culminating in the capture of the Roman garrison by rebel forces, while the pro-Roman King Agrippa II and Roman officials fled the city.

To quell the unrest, Cestius Gallus, the legate of Roman Syria, led an army to Judaea. Despite initial advances, the Romans retreated after engaging rebels in Jerusalem and suffering a significant defeat at the Battle of Beth Horon, where a force equivalent to a legion was annihilated. In the aftermath, a provisional government was established in Jerusalem, led by former High Priest Ananus ben Ananus, Joseph ben Gurion and Joshua ben Gamla. Also appointed were commanders in several districts, including Josephus, who was sent to command forces in the Galilee and, after being defeated, surrendered to the Romans. Later, an attempt by the Sicarii to seize control of Jerusalem failed; their leader was executed, and the remaining Sicarii were expelled from the city. Simon bar Giora, a peasant leader, was also expelled by the new government. In 67 CE, Roman general Vespasian, commanding four legions, was assigned by Nero to suppress the Jewish revolt and restore Roman control. He invaded the Galilee, capturing key strongholds including Yodfat, Tarichaea, and Gamla. As rebels and refugees fled to Jerusalem, tensions between the priesthood-led population and the rising Zealot factions led to bitter infighting. By the time Vespasian had subdued most of the province, with only Jerusalem and its immediate environs remaining in revolt, news of Nero's suicide reached him, prompting his departure for Rome to claim the throne. His son Titus initiated the siege of Jerusalem, and after a brutal seven-month campaign, the city fell in the summer of 70 CE, the Second Temple was destroyed, and the city was razed. Titus returned to Rome, leaving Legion X Fretensis to dismantle the last pockets of Jewish resistance, culminating in the fall of Masada in 73 or 74 CE.

The war had profound and far-reaching consequences for the Jewish people. Many were killed, displaced, or sold into slavery. The loss of Jerusalem and the Temple required a significant reformulation of Jewish political and religious life. The sages emerged as leading figures, establishing a rabbinic center in Yavneh, which became a key turning point in the development of Rabbinic Judaism. For the Romans, the victory bolstered the newly established Flavian dynasty, which commemorated its triumph through monumental constructions and commemorative coinage. The empire also imposed the Fiscus Judaicus, a punitive tax on all Jews, and increased its military presence in the region. The Jewish–Roman wars reached their end decades later in the Bar Kokhba revolt (132–136 CE), another attempt to restore Jewish independence, which led to even more catastrophic consequences for the Jews of Judaea.

Judaea, an independent kingdom under the Hasmonean dynasty, was conquered by the Roman general Pompey in 63 BCE.^[7][8] The invasion was presented as a means of resolving a civil war between the brothers Hyrcanus and Aristobolus, both competing for the royal throne.^[9][10] During his conquest of Jerusalem, Pompey entered the Holy of Holies^[11]—an act of desecration, as only the High Priest was permitted entry. The Jewish monarchy was abolished, and Hyrcanus was recognized solely as High Priest.^[12] In 40 BCE, Antigonus II Mattathias, Aristobolus' son, briefly regained the throne with Parthian support,^[13] but was deposed by Herod in 37 BCE. Herod, appointed "King of the Jews" by the Roman Senate, governed Judaea as a client kingdom of Rome until his death in 4 BCE.^[14] After his death, his realm was divided among his sons,^[13] with Archelaus serving as ethnarch of Judea (including Jerusalem), Samaria, and Idumaea, and Herod Antipas governing the Galilee and Perea.^[15] Archelaus' misrule led to his deposition within a decade in 6 CE, and Judaea was subsequently annexed as a Roman province under the name Iudaea.^[16][17][18]

Over the six decades following the establishment of the province, relations between the Jewish population and Roman authorities were marked by numerous crises.^[16] Many disputes arose from religious offenses committed by the Roman authorities, some of which were unintentional.^[19] Jewish discontent also stemmed from the harsh Roman suppression of disturbances and the widespread perception of Roman rule as oppressive.^[20] Mutual animosities between the region's Jewish population and neighboring Greco-Roman cities are also considered a factor that influenced the revolt.^[21] At the same time, following Herod's death and especially after the establishment of direct imperial rule, aspirations for independence and rebellion began to grow, likely driven by messianic expectations and memories of the successful Maccabean revolt against the Seleucids, which fostered the belief that a similar victory against Rome might be achievable.^[22]

With the onset of direct Roman rule in 6 BCE, the official census instituted by Quirinius, the Roman governor of Syria, triggered an uprising led by Judas of Galilee. Judas was a leader of what Josephus refers to as the "fourth philosophy,"^[23] a movement that rejected Roman rule and affirmed the sole kingship of God. Under Pilate's administration (c. 26–36 CE), incidents such as the introduction of military standards into Jerusalem, the diversion of Temple funds for an aqueduct, and a soldier's indecent exposure near the Temple provoked unrest and bloodshed.^[19] These conflicts often escalated during pilgrim festivals when the city was crowded with worshippers.^[24]

Under Caligula's reign (37–41 CE), Roman policy in Judaea underwent a significant, albeit brief, disruption.^[25] Caligula's insistence on the imperial cult intensified anti-Jewish sentiment, culminating in violent outbreaks in Alexandria in 38 CE.^[25] Tensions escalated further following a dispute at Yavneh (Jamnia), where the Jewish community dismantled an altar to the emperor erected by non-Jewish residents. This led to a crisis in 40 CE when Caligula ordered a statue of himself to be placed in the Jerusalem Temple, a demand that clashed with Jewish religious beliefs and provoked widespread outrage.^[24][25] A Jewish delegation from Alexandria, who had initially come to Rome for a separate matter, redirected their efforts to persuade the emperor to abandon his plan.^[26] Only Caligula's death prevented an open conflict, but the episode deepened Jewish resentment toward Roman rule.^[24][25]

Between 41 and 44 CE, Herod Agrippa, with the support of Emperor Claudius, successfully unified the territories once ruled by his grandfather, Herod the Great.^[24] This period saw a brief restoration of Jewish self-governance, with Agrippa acting as a client king. Following his death in 44 CE, however, Judaea reverted to direct Roman rule under procurators, with its administrative territory expanded to encompass Judea, Samaria, Idumaea, Galilee and Perea.^[24][27]

The second provincial era, which began with relatively stable rule under the first Roman procurators, soon experienced a significant deterioration in stability. Around 48 CE, the Roman authorities executed Jacob and Simon, the sons of Judas of Galilee.^[28] In the following years, violent clashes took place between Jews and Samaritans. By the early 50s CE, violence had become commonplace in Jerusalem. The Sicarii, a group of radical Jewish assassins, exploited the dense pilgrim crowds during religious festivals to carry out targeted killings and intimidate the urban population.^[24] They also targeted affluent landowners in rural areas, destroying their property, likely to discourage cooperation with the Romans.^[29] Religious fanaticism gained traction among the masses during this period, leading to the rise of numerous prophetic figures. One notable incident involved "the Egyptian," a prophet who gathered a large following with plans to march on Jerusalem, which was dispersed by procurator Antonius Felix.^[30]

By the time Gessius Florus assumed office as procurator in 64 CE, Judaea experienced further unrest.^[31] A native of Asia Minor, Florus secured the position through his wife, a friend of Nero's murdered wife. Tacitus regarded him as a poor choice for the role,^[32] while Josephus portrays him as a ruthless official who plundered the region and inflicted harsh punishments.^[33][34] His connections to the imperial family afforded him considerable freedom in his governance.^[34] During Passover, likely the year after Florus' appointment, Cestius Gallus, the governor of Syria, visited Jerusalem, perhaps to address complaints against Florus, but he took no action to change the procurator's policies.^[35]

In the spring of 66 CE, ethnic violence broke out in Caesarea. Local Jews attempted to buy the land next to their synagogue from its Greek owner.^[36] Despite an offer far exceeding the land's value, the owner refused and instead built workshops on the site, obstructing access to the synagogue.^[36] When young Jews attempted to stop the construction, Florus intervened on behalf of the Greek.^[36] Prominent Jews then offered Florus eight talents to halt the work, which he accepted before traveling to Sebaste, allowing construction to proceed anyway.^[37] The following day, on Shabbat, a local performed bird sacrifices in front of the synagogue, provoking violence between the communities.^[38][39][40] Local cavalry tried to intervene but was unsuccessful, and Jews who went to Florus in Sebaste to complain about the incident were arrested.^[39]

Shortly after, further violence broke out in Jerusalem when Florus withdrew 17 talents from the Temple treasury under the pretext of "imperial needs." This provoked protests and ridicule from the crowd, with some mocking Florus by passing around a basket to collect alms for him.^[41] When Jewish leaders refused to surrender those who had mocked him, Florus ordered his troops to sack the Upper Agora, where they whipped, crucified, and killed over 3,600 people, including wealthy Jews who were Roman citizens belonging to the equestrian order.^[42] A second massacre occurred when Jews from the city went out to greet two cavalry squadrons approaching from Caesarea. The soldiers pursued the panicked residents back into Jerusalem, killing many as they tried to reach the Antonia Fortress. Florus, attempting to reach the fortress himself, was blocked by the angry population, who also severed access between the Temple and the Antonia. Eventually, Florus fled the city, leaving behind a cohort of 500 to 1,000 soldiers.

King Agrippa II, the Jewish vassal king of Chalcis, hurried from Alexandria to pacify the people during a gathering in Jerusalem, initially appearing successful in convincing them of the folly of waging war against Rome.^[43][44]

But so it was, that our ancestors and their kings, who were in much better circumstances than we are, both as to money, and strong bodies, and [valiant] souls, did not bear the onset of a small body of the Roman army. And yet you, who have now accustomed yourselves to obedience from one generation to another, and who are so much inferior to those who first submitted, in your circumstances will venture to oppose the entire empire of the Romans?^[45]

Following his speech, Agrippa and his sister Berenice wept, and the crowd declared they were not at war with Rome but with Florus.^[46] Agrippa warned that refusing to pay tribute and dismantling the porticoes connecting the Antonia Fortress to the Temple constituted rebellion, urging their restoration and payment of taxes to avoid further accusations. Convinced, the people began the reconstruction, and officials collected the 40 talents owed.^[46] However, when Agrippa tried to convince them to comply with Florus until a new Roman governor could be appointed, he was forced to leave the city in disgrace, amid insults and stones being thrown at him.^[43][44][46]

At this point, Eleazar ben Hanania, one of the Temple clerks, persuaded the priests to cease accepting gifts or sacrifices from foreigners.^[47] This act ended the practice of offering sacrifices on behalf of Rome and its emperor, a practice in place since the time of Augustus. According to Josephus, this event stopped the sacrifices marked the foundation of the war against Rome.^[48][49] While some historians view this act as a declaration of war on Rome, others argue it was neither directed at Rome nor intended as a declaration of war.^[48] Around this time, the Sicarii, under the leadership of Menahem ben Judah, launched a surprise attack on the desert fortress of Masada, capturing it, establishing a garrison, and transporting the plundered arms to Jerusalem.^[50][51]

Subsequently, the leaders of Jerusalem, along with the high priests and heads of the Pharisees, attempted to dissuade the populace from engaging in rebellion with Rome, but their efforts were unsuccessful. They then sought to quell the uprising by requesting that Florus and Agrippa dispatch troops to Jerusalem. In response, Agrippa II dispatched 2000 cavalrymen to Jerusalem recruited from Auranitis, Batanaea, and Trachonitis.^[52] These forces, along with the moderates, controlled the Upper City, while the Lower City and the Temple Mount fell under rebel control.^[53] After a few days of fighting, the rebels captured the Upper City, forcing the moderates to take refuge in Herod's Palace, while others fled or hid.^[54] According to fourth-century church fathers Eusebius and Epiphanius of Salamis, Jerusalem's Christians fled to Pella before the war.^[55] According to Guy Rogers, the followers of Jesus may have been too insignificant to be targeted during the infighting in the city.^[56]

The rebels then set fire to the house of former high priest Ananias, the palaces of Agrippa and Berenice, and the public archives, where debt records were kept.^[57] This act is often viewed as reflecting the importance of socio-economic elements in the revolt;^[58] as by destroying the archives, the rebels sought to gain the support of Jerusalem's poor and debtors.^[59][57] Shortly afterward, they captured Herod's Palace and agreed to a ceasefire with the moderates and Agrippa's forces but refused any compromise with the Roman soldiers. The Romans retreated to the towers of Phasael, Hippicus, and Mariamne, just north of Herod's Palace.^[60] Later, when the besieged Roman soldiers surrendered their weapons in exchange for safe passage, the rebels massacred them, sparing only their commander Metilius, who pledged to convert to Judaism and undergo circumcision.^[47]

As events in Jerusalem escalated, ethnic violence spread across Judaea, Syria, and neighboring regions. On the same day as the garrison massacre, according to Josephus, the non-Jews of Caesarea conducted an ethnic cleansing of the local Jewish population, killing approximately 20,000. The remaining survivors were arrested by Florus.^[61] News of the massacre sparked further ethnic violence, leading Jewish groups to attack neighboring villages and cities, particularly those in the Decapolis, such as Philadelphia, Heshbon, Gerasa, Pella, and Scythopolis.^[61] Archaeological evidence from Gerasa and Gadara confirms the destruction of public buildings during this period.^[61] These cities were likely targeted due to their Greek or Macedonian origins and cultural influence, though some had Jewish residents as a result of the conquests of Alexander Jannaeus in the first century BCE.^[61]

Violence also broke out in Alexandria, Egypt, where clashes erupted after Greeks attacked Jews gathered in an amphitheater, capturing some alive and prompting retaliation from other Jews in the city.^[62] When peaceful efforts by the Roman governor of Egypt, Tiberius Julius Alexander—a Jew who had renounced his faith and ancestral traditions^[63]—proved ineffective, he deployed military forces against the Jews, resulting in tens of thousands of deaths.^[64]

At this stage of the events, Cestius Gallus, the Roman legate of Syria, decided to march to Judaea. He led a military force from Antioch, including Legio XII Fulminata, 2,000 men from each of the other three legions stationed in Syria, six infantry cohorts, and four cavalry units.^[52] He was also accompanied by a considerable number of royal troops, totaling between two and three legions, which included 2,000 cavalrymen and 3,000 archers from Antiochus IV of Commagene, a similar number of foot soldiers and fewer cavalrymen from Agrippa II, and 1,000 cavalrymen and 3,000 infantry from Sohaemus of Emesa.^[52] Gallus further bolstered his ranks with irregular forces from various cities, such as Berytus, where the troops, motivated by hostility toward the Jews, made up for their lack of formal training.^[65][52]

After establishing a base in Akko-Ptolemais,^[66] Cestius Gallus launched a campaign against Jewish villages in Galilee, burning the city of Chabulon along with other nearby settlements, before marching to Caesarea.^[67] His forces captured Jaffa, Jerusalem's port, massacring its inhabitants and setting the city ablaze.^[67] He also sent a cavalry force to ravage the toparchy of Narbata, near Caesarea.^[68] In Galilee, the Romans were warmly received by the residents of Sepphoris, who opposed the revolt.^[68] From there, Gallus proceeded toward Jerusalem, passing through Antipatris and Lydda and leaving devastation in their wake. Lydda, largely deserted as most of its residents were in Jerusalem for the festival of Sukkot, was destroyed, and those who remained were killed.^[69] Continuing his march through Bethoron and Gabaon, Gallus' army was ambushed by Jewish forces, suffering significant losses. Among the Jewish fighters, Monobazus and Candaios—relatives of the king of Adiabene—as well as Niger the Perean and Simon bar Giora.^[70] Agrippa II made a final attempt to negotiate peace with the rebels, but his efforts failed.^[71] Gallus advanced to Jerusalem and encamped on Mount Scopus, a strategic position providing a clear view of the city center.^[71]

In late Tishrei, Gallus advanced into Jerusalem, causing the rebels to retreat into the inner city and the Temple.^[71] Upon entering, Gallus set fire to the Bezetha district and the Timber Market, intending to intimidate the population.^[72] He then set camp in the Upper City.^[72] Despite Josephus' suggestion that Gallus could have captured Jerusalem with greater resolve,^[52][73] he ultimately chose to retreat after some initial engagements.^[52]

Gallus' withdrawal from Jerusalem towards the coastal plain turned into a rout, with the loss of 5,300 infantry—equivalent to a full legion—and 480 cavalry—equivalent to a whole cavalry ala.^[52][74] This culminated in a decisive engagement at Bethoron, where the Roman army was struck by an ambush,^[75] at the same route where the Maccabees had defeated a Seleucid army two centuries earlier.^[76] Suetonius notes, possibly mistakenly, that the Romans also lost their legionary eagle.^[77][78] The rebels pursued the Romans to Antipatris,^[74] forcing them to abandon their baggage and heavy weaponry, including artillery and battering rams, which, along with other spoils of war, were plundered by the rebels.^[79] Gallus died shortly thereafter, possibly taking his own life.^[80][81]

Scholars have compared this Roman failure to the disastrous Battle of the Teutoburg Forest in 9 CE,^[74][78] though the latter was much larger in scale, resulting in three times the losses.^[82] Fergus Millar writes that Gallus' defeat is particularly significant as a rare instance where Roman regular forces suffered a decisive defeat in a Roman province and at the hands of the local population.^[52] The unexpected victory shifted the momentum toward the pro-revolt factions. The rebels grew more confident,^[82] while moderates and previously undecided individuals were swept up in enthusiasm. Although some elites fled to join the Romans,^[83] many remained in the city, aligning themselves with the triumph.^{[citation needed]} After Cestius' retreat, a Jewish force led by Niger the Perean launched an assault on the coastal city of Ashkelon.^[84] Around the same time, a pogrom unfolded in Damascus, where the city's men, fearing betrayal from wives who had converted to Judaism, secretly planned an attack on the Jewish population. They confined the Jews to a gymnasium and then, according to Josephus, killed thousands within hours.^[85]

Following Gallus' defeat, a popular assembly, possibly functioning alongside the Sanhedrin,^[86] convened at the Temple, establishing a provisional government in Jerusalem. As Josephus indicates, the provisional government did not genuinely seek the revolt; instead, while pretending to support it, they aimed to restore control over the country and negotiate a settlement with the Romans.^[87] Ananus ben Ananus (Hanan ben Hanan), a former High Priest, was appointed as one of the government heads and began fortifying the city alongside Joseph ben Gurion.^[88] Joshua ben Gamla assumed a prominent leadership role. Josephus, then known as Yosef ben Mattityahu, was appointed commander of Galilee and Gaulanitis,^[86] while Yosef ben Shimon was assigned to Jericho.^[88] John the Essene became commander over Jaffa, Lydda, Emmaus, and the Thamna region in western Judea. Eliezer ben Hananiya and Joshua ben Zafia jointly commanded Idumaea, with Niger the Perean, a hero of the Gallus campaign, under their command. Menasseh oversaw Perea, and Yohanan ben Hananiya was tasked with Gophna and Acrabetta, in northern Judea.^[88] An attempt by Menahem ben Yehuda, leader of the Sicarii, to take control of Jerusalem failed.^[89] After he appeared in public wearing royal attire, he was murdered, and the Sicarii were expelled from Jerusalem.^[90] Some Sicarii, including Eleazar ben Yair, retreated to Masada, where they remained until its fall in 73/74 CE.^[91]

John of Gischala, initially opposed to the war according to Josephus,^[92] led a group of peasants and brigands^[93] and challenged Josephus' authority in the Galilee, but his efforts to displace him were unsuccessful.^[92][93] In the meanwhile, Simon Bar Giora waged a personal campaign against the wealthy in the northern parts of Judea. Jerusalem's leaders later expelled him from the toparchy of Acrabetene, forcing him to flee to Masada.^[94] By late 66,^[95] his faction took refuge in Masada and stayed there until the winter of 67–68.^{[citation needed]} Initially distrusted by the rebels at the fortress and restricted to the lower part of its plateau, Simon eventually earned their trust and joined in their raids on nearby villages.^[95]

The Jerusalem temple priesthood^[96] minted coins with Hebrew inscriptions in the Paleo-Hebrew script, featuring phrases such as "Jerusalem the Holy" and "For the Freedom of Zion."^[97] These coins were dated using a new calendar marking the years of the revolt (years one to five), symbolizing independence from Rome.^[97] Their designation as shekels, with denominations like "shekel of Israel", "half-shekel" or "quarter-shekel,"^[98] invoked ancient Jewish sovereignty by reviving the biblical-era weight system.^[97] The use of Hebrew on these coins and in documents, similarly seen in the later Bar Kokhba revolt, represented an ideological choice, symbolizing Jewish nationalism and statehood.^[99]

After Gallus' defeat, Emperor Nero assigned the command of the war to Vespasian, a former consul and a seasoned and experienced commander.^[100] According to Suetonius, the 57-year-old general was chosen "both for his proven energy and because his family and name were not feared due to their obscurity."^[101][102] Vespasian then traveled overland from Corinth to Syria,^[103] gathering an army that included three full legions: the V Macedonica and X Fretensis, both of which had fought in Armenia, with the latter being stationed in Syria. The XV Apollinaris, which had also participated in the Armenian campaign, was marched from its station in Alexandria to Ptolemais by Vespasian's 27-year-old son, Titus.^{[104][103][81]} The Roman forces were bolstered by 23 auxiliary cohortes and six alae of cavalry, likely drawn from Syria. In addition to these, troops were supplied by local rulers: Antiochus IV of Commagene, Agrippa II, and Sohaemus of Emesa each contributed 2,000 infantry archers and 1,000 cavalry, while Malchus II of Nabatea sent 1,000 cavalry and as many as 5,000 infantry.^[104]

Vespasian established his initial base of operations in Akko-Ptolemais, arriving there in the early summer of 67 CE. From this location, the Romans launched their offensive against rebels in Galilee, where a significant Jewish population resided, largely in villages that were easily fortified.^[105] The people of Sepphoris–the second-largest Jewish city after Jerusalem^[106]–surrendered to the Romans by meeting Vespasian in Ptolemais and formally pledging their loyalty to Rome.^[107] While Josephus claims that he gathered an army of 100,000 men, this figure is clearly an exaggeration.^[105] Nevertheless, the Romans faced a substantial challenge in the region.^[105]

Gabara was captured by the Romans in the first assault, with all males killed due to animosity towards the Jews and the memory of Gallus' defeat.^[108] The city and surrounding villages were set on fire, and survivors were enslaved.^{[109][108][110][111]} The Romans then moved to attack Yodfat (Yodefat/Iotapata),^[108] a town with an estimated population of 7,000 on the eve of the siege.^[112][113] Around the same time, Vespasian's son Titus led a force to destroy the nearby village of Iaphia, where all male inhabitants, excluding infants, were reportedly slain, and the infants and women were sold into slavery.^[114] Cerialis, who commanded Legio V Macedonica, was dispatched to fight a large group of Samaritans who had gathered atop Mount Gerizim, the site of their ruined temple, killing many.^[115]

The town of Yodfat fell after a 47-day siege,^[116] which Josephus, who led its defense, documented in great detail. When the Romans captured the city, they massacred all those who revealed themselves and hunted down the rest in hiding;^[113] Josephus estimates 40,000 died, though modern estimates suggest around 2,000 were killed, with 1,200 women and infants captured.^[113] Excavations at Yodfat uncovered a cistern containing the remains of approximately twenty people, including men, women, and children, some of whom showed evidence of violent deaths.^[117][116] This finding, alongside scattered remains across the site, suggests that after the Roman destruction, survivors or returning Jews gathered unburied bones and interred them in cisterns and caves.^[112] Additionally, dozens of arrowheads and ballista stones were discovered at the site.^[118]

Josephus records that following the fall of Yodfat, he and 40 others took refuge in a deep pit. When discovered, they resolved to commit suicide by drawing lots.^[119] After being left among the final two survivors, Josephus chose to surrender to the Romans rather than take his own life.^[120] Soon after, upon meeting Vespasian, Josephus prophesied the general's rise to emperor, which led Vespasian to spare his life rather than sending him to Nero.^[121] After the fall of Yodfat, Vespasian took a 20-day respite in Caesarea Philippi (Panias), the capital of Agrippa II.^[122] It is believed that during this time, Titus and Berenice began their well-known love affair.^[123]

When military operations resumed, Tiberias surrendered to the Romans without resistance.^[124] The city's population, which had been divided into pro-revolt and pro-Roman factions,^[125][126] saw the pro-Roman faction prevail as the Roman army approached.^[124] By contrast, Taricheae, a port town north of Tiberias, mounted a fierce defense but was eventually subdued. According to Josephus, the native inhabitants of Tarichae did not initially want to fight, but the influx of outsiders to the city became more determined to resist following a decisive defeat outside the walls.^[127][128] After its fall, surviving rebels took to the Sea of Galilee, engaging the Romans in naval skirmishes that resulted in heavy losses for the Jews.^[129] Josephus reports that 6,700 were killed in Taricheae, leaving the lake stained red with blood and floating bodies.^[130] Afterward, Vespasian separated the local prisoners from the "foreigners" blamed for instigating the revolt; the latter were forced to travel along a guarded route to Tiberias, where, in the city's stadium, 1,200 were executed.^[131] Six thousand young men were reportedly sent to work on the Corinth Canal in Greece, some were given as a gift to Agrippa II, and 30,400 were sold into slavery.^[131]

Gamla, a strategic site in the Golan, fell to Roman forces in 67 CE. The image shows the main breach^[132] in the town's wall

Roman-era ballista (reconstructed at Gamla)

The Roman campaign then shifted to Gamla, a fortified city on a steep rocky promontory in the southern Golan.^[133][134] Part of Agrippa II's realm, the city was initially loyal to Rome, but later switched allegiance and minted its own revolt coins.^[134][135] Josephus, who claimed to have walled the city,^[136] had in reality only hastily sealed gaps between existing structures along the city's perimeter.^[137] Now a prisoner of war rather than a commander, he accompanied the Romans and documented the siege firsthand.^[138] Archaeological finds at the site include various pieces of Roman armor, around 100 catapult bolts, roughly 1,600 arrowheads, and close to 2,000 ballista stones.^[139][140] Gamla's synagogue was seemingly repurposed during the war into a refuge for displaced individuals, as indicated by the presence of fireplaces, cookpots, and storage jars near its northern wall. These objects were found buried beneath Roman ballista stones.^[141] Despite heavy Roman casualties, the city was eventually captured in October 67 after a siege, and was never resettled.^[142][143] According to Josephus, only two women survived the onslaught, with the rest either throwing themselves into ravines or being killed by the Romans.^[144]

The Romans also captured the fortress on Mount Tabor.^[145] In Gush Halav, a town in Upper Galilee,^[146] rebel leader John of Gischala attempted to negotiate a surrender but instead fled with his followers during a brief Shabbat respite granted by Titus. When Titus returned, the city surrendered to the Romans.^[147]

By 68, Jewish resistance in the north had been crushed, and Vespasian made Caesarea Maritima his headquarters and methodically proceeded to cleanse the coastline of the country, avoiding direct confrontation with the rebels at Jerusalem. Based on questionable numbers from Josephus, it has been estimated that the Roman vanquishing of Galilee resulted in 100,000 Jews killed or sold into slavery.^[148][149]

While the Romans advanced their campaign, Jerusalem descended into a state of turmoil and violence. Opposing the moderate government were the Zealots, who continued the earlier movement initiated by Eleazar ben Hananiah, the priest who had ceased sacrifices on behalf of the emperor. Although Eleazar's fate remains uncertain, leadership among the Zealots now featured figures like Eleazar ben Simon, alongside others. The Zealots sought to overthrow the moderate government and found an ally in John of Gischala, who arrived from Galilee with his followers, likely in Autumn 67 CE.^[150] The Zealots arrested prominent city figures on charges of conspiring with the Romans and subsequently executed them.^[151] They also took control of the Temple, abolishing the traditional practice of selecting high priests from aristocratic priestly families. Instead, a new high priest, Phannias ben Samuel, was chosen by lot.^[152] According to Josephus, Phannias lacked both a high priestly lineage and knowledge of the position.^[152] These actions suggest that the rebels aimed not only to overthrow Roman rule but also to enact a revolutionary transformation of the Jewish polity's social and economic structures.^[152]

Ananus ben Ananus, leader of the moderates, sought to suppress the Zealots. In a public assembly, he denounced the populace for tolerating earlier atrocities and accused the Zealots of enslaving the city and desecrating the Temple.^[153] His speech rallied the people, who urged him to lead them. As he organized a force, the Zealots, learning of the preparations, launched a counterattack.^[153] The moderates' superior numbers eventually forced the Zealots to retreat into the Temple's inner sanctuary, where they fortified themselves.^[154]

John of Gischala told the Zealots that Ananus had persuaded the people to surrender the city to Vespasian, and advised them to seek external support.^[155] In response, the Zealots called upon the Idumeans, a people to the south of Judea who had converted to Judaism after being conquered by the Hasmoneans.^[155] The Idumeans quickly arrived and, with the assistance of the Zealots, who opened the gates under the cover of a storm, entered Jerusalem in early 68.^[156] The Zealots and Idumaeans launched a brutal assault on the city's defenders, with many being killed in their sleep or overwhelmed by the superior numbers of the attackers. The Idumaeans, showing no mercy, slaughtered both defenders and supplicants, while Ananus ben Ananus and Joshua ben Gamla were captured, killed, and dishonored, their bodies left unburied in violation of Jewish custom.^[157] Niger of Perea, a prominent rebel commander, and Joseph Ben Gurion, a moderate leader, were also murdered.^[56] The Zealots established special tribunals to prosecute those accused of treason.^[158] Most of the Idumaeans eventually chose to leave Jerusalem.^[159]

During the Passover feast, the Sicarii descended from Masada, raiding the wealthy village of Ein Gedi on the southwestern shore of the Dead Sea.^[160] They killed 700 women and children, looted homes, and seized crops before returning to the fortress.^[161] Similar raids on nearby villages devastated the region, attracting new recruits to their cause.^[161]

In January 68, the leaders of Gadara in Perea sent a delegation to Vespasian offering to surrender the city. As Vespasian advanced, those opposed to capitulation killed a prominent citizen they blamed for the surrender, then fled, while the remaining citizens dismantled the city walls, allowing the Romans to enter and establish a garrison.^[162] Vespasian then returned to Caesarea. Meanwhile, the fugitives attempted to rally support in nearby Bethennabris, but were defeated by Roman forces. The survivors, seeking refuge in Jericho, were massacred near the Jordan River, where over 15,000 were reportedly killed, and many drowned or were captured.^[162]

In the spring of 68, Vespasian launched a methodical campaign to subdue towns and villages leading to Jerusalem.^[163] He chose to delay the siege of the city, allowing the Jewish factions within to weaken each other further while awaiting the spring harvest to gather necessary supplies.^[164] After capturing Antipatris,^[165] Vespasian and his army advanced, burning and destroying nearby towns. They reduced the district of Thamna and then moved on to Lydda and Yavneh (Jamnia), which were settled by surrendered populations.^[166] Vespasian then marched to Emmaus, where he established a camp and stationed the Fifth Legion by April 68.^[166] From there, he advanced to Bethleptepha, burning the area and parts of Idumaea, before capturing Betabris and Caphartoba, reportedly killing over 10,000 people and taking 1,000 prisoners.^[166] Vespasian then returned to Emmaus, passed through Mabartha in Samaria (later Flavia Neapolis), and camped at Corea in May–June 68.^[166] Afterward, he advanced to Jericho, where he was met by the Roman force that took Peraea. The survivors of the Peraean campaign had initially fled to Jericho but deserted when the Romans approached, leaving the city empty. A Roman garrison was established in Jericho and at Adida, east of Lydda.^[166]

Vespasian visited the Dead Sea, where he conducted an experiment to test the buoyancy of its salt waters by throwing individuals who could not swim into the lake with their hands tied behind their backs.^[167] It is believed that around this time, the sectarian community at Qumran, commonly associated with the Essenes,^[168] was destroyed,^[169][170] and the site was subsequently garrisoned by Roman forces.^[171] Some members of the Qumran community may have joined the rebels at Masada.^[172] Following this, Lucius Annius was sent to Gerasa (likely a textual error for Gezer), where after capturing the city, he executed many young men, enslaved women and children, plundered and burned the homes, and destroyed surrounding villages, slaughtering those who could not escape.^[167]

Outside Jerusalem, Simon bar Giora gained strength, extending his influence over Judea and Idumaea. He plundered the wealthy and freed slaves, promising gifts to his followers.^[173] His raids in northern Judea led him to turn his forces southward, where he defeated a Zealot army.^[173] He then fought a bloody draw with an Idumaean force.^[174] Simon then withdrew to Nain, preparing for an invasion of Idumaea.^[174] He encamped in Teqoa and made a failed attempt to capture Herodium.^[174] At their camp in Alurus, the Idumaeans sent an officer to assess Simon's army, but he betrayed them by exaggerating Simon's strength and convincing them to surrender without a fight. When Simon approached, the Idumaean forces scattered before any battle took place.^[174] Simon's later successes in Idumaea, including the conquest of Hebron,^[174] instilled fear in the Zealots, who ambushed him. When they captured Simon's wife, he responded with torturing people, threatening to destroy Jerusalem's walls unless she was returned.^[175] The Zealots complied, and Simon, having secured his wife, took a brief respite from his campaigns.^[175]

While the war in Judea was in progress, great events were occurring in Rome. In the middle of 68, Nero's increasingly erratic behavior finally lost him all support for his position. The Roman Senate, the Praetorian Guard, and several prominent army commanders conspired for his removal. When the Senate declared Nero an enemy of the people, he fled Rome and committed suicide with the help of a secretary on June 9.^[176] The newly installed emperor Galba was murdered after being in power for only a few months by supporters of his rival, Otho,^[177][178] triggering a conflict for the imperial succession.

In April 69, John of Giscala's rivals opened Jerusalem's gates to Simon ben Giora.^[180] By this time, the Zealots from Galilee had plundered the homes of the wealthy, murdered men, and raped women.^[180] Following these actions, they reportedly began to adopt the attire and behaviors of women, imitating both their ornaments and their desires, as Josephus notes, engaging in what he describes as "unlawful pleasures".^[180] Those attempting to flee the city from the Zealots were killed by Simon and his followers outside the walls.^[180] Upon entering Jerusalem, Simon gained control of significant portions of the city but failed to dislodge John, who retained control over the Temple Mount and its environs.^[180] According to Josephus, the city was engulfed in a three-way civil war, with each faction inflicting harm on the others. Tacitus corroborates this account, noting that the city was divided among three generals and three armies.^[181][182]

In late June 69, Vespasian moved southeast to subdue the toparchies of Gophna and Acrabetta, before capturing the cities of Bethel and Ephraim, installing Roman garrisons.^[183] He then approached Jerusalem's walls, killing many and capturing others, marking his closest approach to the city.^[184] Meanwhile, Cerialis led a scorched-earth campaign in northern Idumaea, burning Caphethra, capturing Capharabis, and retaking Hebron, where the Romans slaughtered its inhabitants and destroyed the city.^[184]

On July 1, 69 CE, Vespasian was proclaimed emperor, first in Egypt,^[185] then by the legions in the Levant, and eventually throughout the East.^[186] Josephus, who had predicted Vespasian's rise to power, was freed from his chains.^{[186][187][188]} Military operations in Judaea paused as Vespasian traveled to Alexandria and later to Rome to secure his position.^[186] Command of the war was handed by a council at Berytus to Vespasian's son Titus.^[176] In December 69, Vitellius was dead,^[189] and Vespasian was officially recognized as emperor during the winter of 69/70.^[176]

By the winter of 69/70, Titus had returned from Alexandria and established Caesarea as his main base.^[176] Tiberius Julius Alexander served as his second-in-command.^[190] Titus' forces included the legions previously commanded by Vespasian—V Macedonica, X Fretensis, and XV Apollinaris—along with the XII Fulminata, which had suffered defeat in 66 CE.^[191] Additional support came from detachments of III Cyrenaica and XXII Deiotariana legions from Egypt, twenty infantry cohortes, eight cavalry alae, Syrian irregulars, and auxiliaries from allied vassal kings. According to Tacitus, "a strong force of Arabs," driven by longstanding enmity toward the Jews, also joined the campaign.^[191] This combined force, estimated at a minimum of 48,200 soldiers,^[192] was significantly larger than the one deployed for the Roman invasion of Britain in 43 CE.^[193]

Sextus Vettulenus Cerialis led Legio V Macedonica southward toward Jerusalem via Emmaus, while A. Larcius Lepidus Sulpicianus approached from the west through Jericho with Legio X Fretensis.^[194] Titus' main force advanced through Samaria to Gophna, 13 miles (21 km) north of Jerusalem.^[194] After resting at Gophna, Titus' force camped in the "Valley of Thorns" near Gibeah, three miles from Jerusalem.^[195]

On the eve of the siege, Jerusalem spanned approximately 170 hectares (420 acres)^[196] and, according to one estimate, had a population of around 80,000.^[196] Tacitus writes that those who were besieged in Jerusalem amounted to no fewer than 600,000, that men and women alike of every age engaged in armed resistance, that everyone who could pick up a weapon did, and that both sexes showed equal determination, preferring death to a life that involved expulsion from their country.^[197] Josephus puts the number of the besieged at nearly 1 million. Many pilgrims from the Jewish diaspora who, undeterred by the war, had trekked to Jerusalem to be present at the Temple during Passover became trapped in Jerusalem during the siege.^[198]

At the same time, infighting continued in Jerusalem.^[199] During this period, John of Giscala and the Zealots controlled the Temple Mount. Eleazar ben Simon, seceded from John's faction, fortified themselves in the Temple's inner court, taking hold of the stores of edible offerings to the Temple.^[199] John attacked from below, while Simon Bar Giora's forces, holding the Upper and Lower City, assaulted John's position.^[199] Both sides resorted to artillery, inflicting heavy casualties, including priests and worshippers.^[200] A stockpiled supply of dry food was intentionally burned by the Zealots to force the defenders to fight against the siege, instead of negotiating peace;^{[citation needed]} as a result many city dwellers and soldiers died of starvation during the siege.^{[citation needed]}

Titus led a risky reconnaissance mission with 600 cavalrymen to assess Jerusalem's northern defenses, during which he narrowly escaped an ambush by rebel forces after being cut off from his main group.^[201] Soon after, Titus advanced to Mount Scopus, northeast of Jerusalem, where he established camps for Legions XII, XV and V.^[202] Legion X set up on the Mount of Olives,^[202] and while constructing their encampment, some unarmed, they were unexpectedly attacked by Jewish rebels.^[203] Only Titus' personal intervention saved the situation, and the Romans managed to repel the attackers.^[203] Before attacking the Third Wall, Titus offered peace terms, but the offer was rejected. Mirroring the strategies of Sennacherib, Nebuchadnezzar II, Pompey, and Herod, Titus set his sights on the north-northeast for his assault.^[201]

During a pause in the fighting between Romans and Jews on the Mount of Olives, on the first night of Passover, John's forces infiltrated the temple's inner courtyards, subduing the Zealots and bringing them under his control.^[204] The two rebel leaders, John of Gischala and Simon Bar Giora, only ceased hostilities and joined forces to defend the city as the Romans began using battering rams on the walls.^[204] Simon allowed John and Eleazar's followers to join his forces, where they attacked Roman machines and artillery.^[204] John accepted Simon's leadership, dividing the city into zones of influence: Simon dominated the upper and most of the lower city, while John oversaw the Temple Mount and the Antonia Fortress.^{[citation needed]}

The rebels made desperate attempts to burn the Romans' siege engines but were unsuccessful. After fifteen days, the Roman battering ram broke through Jerusalem's third wall, and the Jews retreated into the second wall.^[205] The new neighborhood of Bezetha fell to the Romans in Iyar 70.^{[citation needed]} Titus directed his forces to assault Jerusalem's Second Wall. After five days, the Roman battering ram breached the middle section of the wall, but the resulting narrow gap left the Romans trapped in the city's winding alleys.^[206] Exploiting their familiarity with their hometown, Jewish defenders inflicted significant losses on the invaders.^[207] Forced to retreat, the Romans managed to re-enter this part of the city four days later, ultimately demolishing a substantial section of the second wall. This breach allowed a larger force to enter, enabling them to capture this area.^[208]

Titus constructed siege ramps at the Antonia Fortress and the towers of the Upper City, also employing psychological warfare.^[209] For four days, he showcased Roman military strength through a parade of cavalry and infantry in polished armor as they received their pay.^[208] He also renewed peace offers through Josephus, who addressed the people in their 'ancestral tongue,' likely Hebrew or possibly Aramaic.^[208] Josephus argued that the Romans respected Jewish sacred places, while the Jews themselves were bent on their destruction, and he urged them to repent, emphasizing that God was now on the Roman side.^[210] When his appeal was mocked and attacked, he elaborated on Jewish history, illustrating that only God could deliver the Jews from their predicament, though their conduct during the war had forfeited divine mercy.^[211] Within the city, internal violence persisted, with factions attacking those attempting to flee and ransacking wealthy homes for food, often employing torture.^[212] Simultaneously, Roman forces tortured and crucified fugitives in view of the city walls—at times in varied positions for soldiers' amusement—resulting in over 500 daily executions that filled the available space for crosses, aiming to intimidate the besieged into surrender.^[213] Syrian and Arab auxiliaries reportedly disemboweled refugees in search of swallowed valuables.^[214]

Seventeen days into the month of Sivan, Roman siege operations resumed. John of Giscala countered by undermining Roman siege engines at Antonia, digging tunnels beneath them, and setting the supports alight; this caused the siege engines to collapse.^[215] In the city's western section, John's forces also destroyed Roman siege equipment.^[215] The Romans responded by constructing new engines and encircling Jerusalem with a 5 miles (8.0 km) circumvallation wall made of stone to block supplies and escape routes, reportedly completing this work in just three days, according to Josephus.^[215] Some people attempted to flee the city, either by jumping from the walls or by pretending to fight with rocks in order to surrender to the Romans.^[216]

Within the besieged city, Simon bar Giora intensified purges, executing elites and then those advocating surrender. Their mutilated bodies were cast beyond the walls.^[217] John and his followers plundered the Temple, melting down sacred vessels, consuming consecrated food, and distributing sacred oil and wine to supporters.^[218] Starvation worsened, with grain prices skyrocketing, people resorting to searching for scraps in sewers, and large numbers of corpses were discarded outside the city.^[219] After erecting four siege ramps against Antonia,^[220] the Romans breached and captured the fortress, subsequently turning their attention to the Temple itself.^[221] Initially successful, they were repelled by Jewish defenders.^[221] On 17 Tammuz, according to Josephus, the daily Temple sacrifice ceased due to a lack of priests, or lambs.^[222] Jewish fighters sought refuge in the Temple courtyards while Titus, unsuccessfully, renewed peace offers through Josephus.^[223] Some members of the priestly and upper classes surrendered, and were sent by Titus to the village of Gophna north of Jerusalem.^[224]

The Romans then built four ramps targeting the Temple's defenses.^[225] Jewish defenders set fire to several stoas connecting the Temple to Antonia to obstruct Roman access, while the Romans burned another nearby stoa.^[226] The famine worsened, and Josephus recounts the story of a wealthy woman from Transjordan called Maria, who, after being plundered by rebels, killed and ate her son, shocking even the rebels when she offered them the remains.^[225] After several days of failed attempts to breach the Temple's stones with battering rams, the Romans set fire to its gates and surrounding porticoes.^[227] The Jewish defenders retreated to the inner court. At this stage, Titus convened his commanders to decide the Temple's fate.^[228] Josephus writes that Titus, after deliberating with his officers and despite differing opinions, resolved to preserve the Temple to avoid destroying such a great work and instead retain it as an ornament of Roman rule.^[229][228] Modern scholars generally view Josephus' account, along with his claim that Titus sought to save the Temple from burning, with skepticism.^[26] The fourth-century Christian historian Sulpicius Severus, possibly drawing on Tacitus (though this is disputed^[230]), provides a contrasting account, asserting that Titus ordered the Temple's destruction to eradicate the religions of Jews and Christians.^[231][230]

On the eighth day of the month of Av, Roman forces breached the Temple's outer court.^[232] According to Josephus, on 10 Av, a Roman soldier hurled a burning piece of wood into the northern chamber, igniting a fire that ultimately consumed the entire Temple structure.^{[233][232][234]} Josephus writes that Titus tried to stop the Temple's burning;^[235] he was roused from a nap, rushed to the Temple, and signaled for the fire to be extinguished. However, amidst the chaos, his soldiers either did not hear or ignored his orders, with some even encouraging others to add to the flames.^[234] Titus and his officers entered the Temple, viewing the heikhal and the Holy of Holies. He again ordered the fire extinguished, but the soldiers, driven by chaos, hatred, and greed, ignored him, continuing to loot and burn the structure.^[236] In antiquity, destroying temples was considered sacrilegious, leading some scholars to suggest that Josephus sought to exonerate Titus. Nevertheless, Goodman has argued that Josephus' account could be plausible, especially considering the difficulty of containing a fire in the intense heat of Jerusalem during the summer.^[26] Other scholars reject Josephus' account, citing the aforementioned statement from Sulpicius Severus, alongside testaments found in Valerius Flaccus and the Babylonian Talmud that too indicate Titus ordered the destruction of the Temple.^[237][238]

As the Temple burned, chaos erupted in its courtyards. Josephus describes how some priests, overwhelmed by grief and despair at the sight of the Temple engulfed in flames, leapt into the fire.^[239] Cassius Dio recounts that as the temple burned and defeat became inevitable, many Jews chose suicide, viewing it as a form of victory and salvation to die alongside the temple.^[240][241] Roman soldiers looted and killed indiscriminately, showing no regard for whether individuals begged for mercy or resisted their advance.^[242] At one point, approximately 6,000 Jews, including poor women and children, sought refuge in a colonnade in the outer court. The Romans set the structure ablaze, and all perished.^[243] Josephus attributes the tragedy to "false prophets" who urged people to ascend the Temple Mount, claiming it would bring salvation.^[243] The Romans subsequently burned the remaining porticoes and gates,^[244][239] and secured their victory by placing their standards near the eastern gate.^[245][239]

A pile of stones thrown by Roman legionaries during the siege of Jerusalem, located below the Temple Mount's Western Wall, today within the Jerusalem Archaeological Park

Archaeological findings in Jerusalem's 'Burnt House': Remains of a spear and the forearm bones of a young woman found in the ruins of an exquisite priestly mansion destroyed by fire, 70 CE

The Romans then began systematically destroying the city.^[246] Titus rejected offers from Simon bar Giora and John of Giscala to leave the city for the desert and instead ordered the razing of extensive sections of Jerusalem, including the Acra, the Ophel, the council chamber of the Sanhedrin, with the destruction and fire reaching the Adiabenian palaces.^[247] Soon, the entire Lower City, extending down to the Pool of Siloam, was also set ablaze.^[248] On the 20th of Av, the Romans launched an assault on the Upper City. The Idumeans sought reconciliation with Titus; some were killed and arrested by Simon.^[249] At this time, a captured priest and Temple treasurer surrendered various Temple treasures to the Romans, including golden lampstands, tables, sacred vessels, priestly garments, clothes and spices.^[250] Within eighteen days, the Romans completed their siege ramp, prompting Jews to flee into underground hideouts while the soldiers indiscriminately massacred people in the streets and homes.^[251] Titus spared only the towers near Herod's palace to showcase the city's former grandeur and the western wall to protect the Roman garrison established there.^[246] The rest of the city, including the Temple, was razed to the ground.^[246]

After Jerusalem's fall, Titus ordered his men to kill only armed resisters, but many old and weak prisoners were killed against his orders.^[246] Younger survivors were confined on the Temple Mount, where their fate was determined: rebels and brigands were executed, the tallest and most handsome were selected for Titus' triumph in Rome, prisoners over 17 were sent in chains to Egypt, many were distributed across the empire for execution by the sword or wild animals, and those under 17 were sold into slavery.^[252] Starvation claimed many lives in captivity, while Josephus claimed to have saved several acquaintances.^[252] The Romans searched underground tunnels, killing survivors and discovering the corpses of those who had starved or killed one another, and engaged in looting.^[253] According to Eusebius, Vespasian commanded the elimination of all members of the Davidic line found, aiming to eradicate any trace of a potential Jewish royal lineage.^[254][253]

John of Giscala emerged alive, surrendered, and was sentenced to life imprisonment.^[253] Simon Bar Giora was caught after he and his companions, hiding in an underground passage, ran low on food. He emerged at the site of the destroyed temple, dressed in a white tunic and purple mantle.^[255] Terentius Rufus had him captured and sent to Titus in Caesarea.^[256]

After Jerusalem's fall, Titus traveled to Caesarea Philippi, where he staged spectacles involving prisoners from the war, including executions by wild animals and gladiatorial combat. He later celebrated his brother's birthday in Caesarea, where 2500 Jewish captives were killed in gladiatorial games and fights against animals,^[257][258] and more captives were executed during Vespasian's birthday celebrations in Berytus.^[258] The Temple treasures, including the Menorah and the Table of the Bread of God's Presence, were paraded through the streets of Rome during Titus' triumphal procession in summer 71, along with hundreds of Jewish prisoners who were paraded in chains, among them Simon Bar Giora, who was then executed.^[259] Following the fall of Jerusalem, some insurrection still continued in isolated locations in Judea. The Romans launched a mop-up operation to suppress these remaining pockets of resistance, which lasted as late as 73/74 CE.^[260]

Masada, a fortress on the southwest coast of the Dead Sea, marked the final stand of the revolt, falling to Lucius Flavius Silva after a siege in 73 or 74 CE

Remnants of one of several legionary camps at Masada, just outside the circumvallation wall at the bottom of the image

In the spring of 71 CE, Titus departed for Rome, leaving three rebel strongholds still under Jewish control: Herodium and Masada in the Judaean Desert, and Machaerus in Perea.^[261][262] Sextus Lucilius Bassus, the newly appointed legate of Judaea, was tasked with capturing these final centers of resistance.^[261] Bassus first seized Herodium before crossing the Jordan to capture Machaerus, a heavily fortified hilltop fortress near the Dead Sea.^[261] Machaerus was then subjected to a Roman siege, which involved the construction of a circumvallation wall, small siege camps, and an incomplete assault ramp, traces of which still exist.^[263] The rebels eventually surrendered after the Romans captured Eleazar, one of the insurgents, who pleaded them to do so.^[264] Bassus then pursued approximately 3,000 rebels led by Judah ben Ari in the forest of Jardes, near the Dead Sea, and swiftly defeated them.^[264] However, Bassus died of uncertain causes before completing his campaign.^[265]

Lucius Flavius Silva succeeded Bassus and directed the siege of Masada in 72–73 or 73–74 CE,^{[266][262][267]} deploying Legio X Fretensis, and auxiliary forces—totaling about 8,000 troops.^[268] After the defenders refused to surrender, Silva established siege camps and a circumvallation wall around the fortress, along with an siege ramp, features that remain among the best-preserved examples of Roman siegecraft visible today.^[266][262] The siege lasted between two and six months during the winter season.^[262] According to Josephus, after the Romans breached the outer wall, the defenders constructed an inner fortification. When it became evident that this wall would also fall, Eleazar ben Yair, the leader of the rebels, delivered a speech advocating for collective suicide.^[269] He argued that this act would preserve their freedom, spare them from slavery, and deny their enemies a final victory.^[270][271] Persuaded by his words, the rebels carried out the plan, with each man killing his own family before taking his own life.^[271] When the Romans entered the fortress, they found that 960 of the 967 inhabitants had committed suicide. Only two women and five children survived, having concealed themselves in a cistern.^{[272][273][274]} Archaeological work at Masada uncovered eleven ostraca (one of which contained the name of Ben Yair, possibly used to determine the order of suicide), twenty-five skeletons of the defenders, and religious structures, including ritual baths and a synagogue.^[275] These findings, alongside the remains of the Roman siegecraft, corroborate Josephus' account of the siege, though the historicity of his narrative regarding the mass suicide remains a subject of scholarly debate.^{[276][277][c]}

The Roman effort at Masada, deploying vast resources and engineering ingenuity to eliminate a small pocket of resistance in an isolated desert fortress of no strategic importance, may have been intended as a message to those considering rebellion: the Romans would relentlessly pursue and crush rebels, even at great cost, to eradicate any trace of resistance.^[279] Masada remained garrisoned by Roman troops until the early 2nd century CE, leaving behind archaeological evidence, including documents.^[266]

The Roman suppression of the revolt had a profound demographic impact on the Jews of Judaea. Many perished due to battles, sieges, and famine, while cities, towns, and villages across the region suffered varying degrees of destruction. During the war, Jerusalem—praised by Pliny the Elder in the 70s as "by far the most famous city of the East and not of Judaea only"^[280][281]—was systematically destroyed.^[246] Both historical accounts and archaeological evidence corroborate this devastation. Roman historian Tacitus, when describing the siege of Jerusalem, reports "We have heard that the total number of the besieged of every age and both sexes was six hundred thousand. [...] Both men and women showed the same determination; and if they were to be forced to change their home, they feared life more than death".^[282] This indicates that the besieged expected that those who survived the siege would be displaced.^[283]

Josephus claimed that 1.1 million people died during the siege of Jerusalem, including many who were trapped in the city while visiting for Passover. Modern scholars, however, dispute this figure. Seth Schwartz argues it is implausible, estimating the total population of Judaea at around 1 million, with half being Jews, and noting the survival of sizeable Jewish communities in the region after the war.^[284] Guy McLean Rogers suggests Josephus inflated the numbers to flatter the Flavians, estimating casualties in Jerusalem at 20,000–30,000.^[285] Charles Leslie Murison proposes that the 1.1 million figure might refer to total war casualties rather than just those in Jerusalem, but emphasizes that this remains speculative.^[286] However, Josephus' report of 97,000 captives taken during the war is widely accepted as reliable by scholars.^[285][287] Rogers attributes this reliability to the Roman practice of recording the number of slaves sold after their wars.^[285] Schwartz concurs, noting that this indicates a significant portion of the population was either expelled from the country or, at the very least, displaced.^[287]

The destruction was uneven across Judaea.^[288] Judea proper experienced the most severe devastation, particularly in the Judaean Mountains.^[288] In contrast, cities like Lod, Yavneh and their surroundings remained relatively intact.^[288] In Galilee, Tarichaea (likely Magdala) and Gabara were destroyed, but Sepphoris and Tiberias reconciled with the Romans and escaped major harm.^[288] Mixed cities saw the elimination of their Jewish populations, and the impact extended into parts of Transjordan.^[288]

Moshe David Herr estimates that one-quarter of Judaea's Jewish population perished during the revolt. These deaths resulted from Roman battles, internal conflicts, famine, plagues, and massacres by non-Jews in mixed cities.^[288] Additionally, Herr estimates that a tenth of the population was captured by the Romans, with many facing harsh treatment, execution, or forced labor.^[288] Strong young men were forced into gladiatorial combat in stadiums and circuses across the empire, while others were sent to brothels or sold as slaves, with the majority ending up abroad.^[288] Overall, Herr concludes that a third of Judaea's Jewish population was effectively erased.^[288]

Despite the heavy losses and the destruction of the Temple, Jewish life continued to thrive in Judea.^[289] However, continued dissatisfaction with Roman rule ultimately culminated in the Bar Kokhba revolt of 132–136, which resulted in the destruction and depopulation of Judea proper.^[287]

The uprising effectively ended the already limited Jewish political and social autonomy under Roman rule.^[290] The social ramifications of the war were profound, leading to the complete disappearance or loss of status of entire social strata. The most impacted were the classes closely associated with Jerusalem and the Temple. The aristocratic oligarchy, consisting of the families of the High Priesthood and their affiliates, who wielded significant political, social, and economic influence and amassed great wealth, suffered a total collapse.^[288] With the disappearance of the High Priests and the Sanhedrin, a significant leadership vacuum emerged.^[291] Moshe and David Aberbach argued that following the suppression of the revolt, the Jews, "largely deprived of the territorial, social and political bases of their nationalism", were forced to "base their identity and hopes of survival not on political but on cultural and moral power."^[292]

The revolt affected Judaea's economic and social environment, as well as, to a lesser extent, the Jewish world at large. With the influx of pilgrims and wealth from the Roman and Parthian Empires, which concentrated vast wealth in Jerusalem, the Second Temple had developed into a massive economy by the first century, but the destruction of the city and the temple brought this to an end. Additionally, according to Josephus and other scholars, the Romans confiscated and auctioned off all Jewish land or all land held by Jews who had participated in the insurrection.^[287] Josephus reports that in 70 CE, the Romans seized Jewish property in Judaea for resale. Scholars believe this confiscation mainly affected supporters of the revolt, many of whom were landowners in Judea proper.^[293] The date and balsam groves of Jericho and En Gedi, along with other traditionally "royal lands," were incorporated into Vespasian's personal estate.^[294] Many survivors were left to work as tenant farmers on land that had been seized by Rome.^[294]

Following the destruction of the Jerusalem Temple, the Romans imposed a new tax, the Fiscus Judaicus, on all Jews across the Empire.^[295][296] This tax required Jews to pay an annual sum of two drachmas, replacing the half-shekel (maḥatzit ha-sheqel) previously donated to the Temple. The funds were redirected to the rebuilding and maintenance of the Temple of Jupiter Capitolinus in Rome, which had been destroyed during the civil war of 69 CE.^{[297][295][298][299]} Over time, the tax evolved into a broader levy on Jews, implicitly holding all Jews—whether in Judea or the diaspora—responsible for the revolt, even though most had no role in the conflict.^[300] Under Domitian, the enforcement of the tax became even more severe, as noted by Suetonius.^{[301][298][302]} Evidence of the Fiscus Judaicus is preserved in receipts found in Egypt, with records dating from 70 CE to 116 CE. The tax ceased in Egypt during the Diaspora Revolt, which resulted in widespread suppression and the near-total annihilation of Egyptian Jewry.^[303]

Following the revolt, the ruins of Jerusalem were garrisoned by Legio X Fretensis, which remained stationed there for nearly two centuries.^[261][304] Along with the legion, the Roman forces included cavalry alae and infantry cohortes.^[261] Only a small number of Jews remained in the area of Jerusalem, while the emperor took control of the land, which was worked by quasi-tenants, and Pliny the Elder referred to the surrounding countryside as the toparchy of Orine.^[305] This significant military presence prompted a change in the province's administrative structure, requiring the appointment of a governor (legatus Augusti pro praetore) of ex-praetorian rank.^[261][306] In the early 2nd century, another legion was transferred to Judaea, increasing the Roman military strength and requiring an ex-consul to oversee the province.^[306]

Roman citizens, many of whom were ex-soldiers, established themselves in Judaea.^[305] Vespasian also settled 800 Roman veterans in Motza, which became a Roman settlement known as Colonia Amosa or Colonia Emmaus.^[307] He solidified Roman control over the province by granting colony status to Caesarea, the provincial capital, renaming it Colonia Prima Flavia Augusta Caesarensis, and settling many veterans there.^[304][133] According to the Byzantine chronicler John Malalas, a large odeon was constructed in the city on the site of a former synagogue, using the spoils of the revolt.^[308][309] The port town of Jaffa, devastated during the war, was refounded,^[294] and a new town, Flavia Neapolis, was founded in Samaritis and granted city status.^[294][304]

The Jewish revolt had a profound impact on Jewish-Roman relations, leading to the revocation of many privileges.^[310] After the revolt, Roman authorities intensified their efforts to quell any potential uprisings in Jewish diaspora communities, targeting individuals deemed as troublemakers in Egypt and Cyrene,^[300] which had absorbed thousands of refugees and insurgents from Judaea.^[311] According to Josephus, a group of Sicarii fled to these regions, where they attempted to incite Jewish rebellion by urging loyalty to God alone as Lord and refused to acknowledge Caesar as "lord" even under torture.^[312][313] In 72 CE, the Jewish temple at Leontopolis—founded two centuries earlier by Onias IV following the loss of his high priesthood in Jerusalem—was closed by the Roman authorities,^{[314][300][315]} indicating that Jewish institutions were now seen as potential sources of rebellion.^[310] In 73 CE, the Jewish aristocracy in Cyrenaica was slaughtered, and while Vespasian did not directly condone the action, he implicitly endorsed it by treating the Roman governor responsible leniently.^[310]

After the fall of Jerusalem, Titus "funded expensive spectacles and used Jewish captives as a display of their own destruction" in southern Syria and Judaea.^[316][317] According to Nathanael Andrade, these events served to unify the ethnically and culturally diverse populations of Greek cities, while simultaneously marginalizing Jews, who were perceived as a threat to the Greek way of life. Additionally, these spectacles led Greeks to view the Romans as their defenders against Jewish uprising.^[317] Upon arriving in Antioch after his victory in Jerusalem, Titus faced a crowd demanding the expulsion of Jews. He refused their request when he appeared before them in the theater. The crowd then asked for the removal of the Jewish privileges from public inscriptions, but Titus declined once more.^[318][317] John Malalas, a 6th-century Byzantine chronicler, writes that a synagogue in Daphne, near Antioch, was destroyed during the war and replaced by Vespasian with a theater, an inscription of which claimed it was founded "from the spoils of Judaea."^[308][309] He also describes a gate of cherubs in Antioch, established by Titus from the spoils of the Temple.^[309] According to Philostratus' Life of Apollonius, Titus refused to accept a wreath of victory offered by the groups neighboring Judaea, on the grounds that he had only been the instrument of divine wrath.^[319]

Samuel Rocca writes that in the wake of the revolt, thousands of Jewish slaves were brought to the Italian Peninsula.^[320] A tombstone from Puteoli, near Naples, mentions a captive woman from Jerusalem named Claudia Aster, with the name Aster believed to be derived from Esther.^[321][322] The Roman poet Martial references a Jewish slave of his, described as originating from "Jerusalem destroyed by fire."^[323] Jewish slaves brought to Italy after the war are also evidenced by graffiti in Pompeii and other places in Campania, as well as possibly by Habinnas, a character who may have been Jewish, in Petronius' Satyricon.^[324] Similar to Josephus, there are records of other Jews bearing the nomen "Flavius," possibly indicating descent from Jews captured during the revolt and subsequently freed.^[325]

Glen Bowersock writes that revolt and the destruction of Jerusalem brought Jews to the Arabian Peninsula, leading to the establishment of settlements in southern Yemen, along the coast of Ḥaḍramawt, and most notably in the northwestern Ḥijāz, particularly in Yathrib (later Medina), where they became prominent representatives of monotheism in pre-Islamic Arabia.^[326]

The destruction of the Second Temple, which stood at the center of Jewish religious and national life and served as a symbol of God's presence,^{[327][328][329]} created a profound religious and societal void.^[328] This event marked the end of sacrificial rites central to Jewish worship^[330][331] and abruptly terminated the lineage of the High Priesthood.^[330] In the aftermath of the revolt, Jewish sectarianism also disappeared.^[332] The Sadducees, whose authority was closely tied to the Temple, dissolved as a distinct group due to the loss of their power base, their role in the revolt, the confiscation of land, and the collapse of Jewish self-governance.^[333] Similarly, the Essenes, whose communities—such as Qumran—were destroyed and dissolved during the war, also appear to have vanished.^[d] In contrast, the Pharisees, who largely opposed the revolt, survived and emerged as the dominant force in reshaping and unifying Judaism.^[336] In the following centuries, the rabbis continued to shape Jewish practice in the absence of the Temple, focusing on the role of the oral tradition as a complement to the written Torah. These efforts culminated in the compilation of the Mishnah (redacted in the early 3rd century) and later Talmud as primary sources of Jewish law and religious guidance.^[337]

The synagogue, which originated prior to the destruction of the Temple, gradually grew in significance as the central venue for Jewish worship and communal life.^[338][339] Rabbinic literature describes the synagogue as a 'diminished sanctuary' (miqdash me'at),^[340][341] and emphasizes the belief that the divine presence (Shekhinah) resides there, particularly during prayer or study.^[341] Over time, prayers, rituals, and customs once performed in the Temple were adapted for synagogue use.^[340][342] Traditional forms of synagogal worship, including sermons and the reading of scripture, were preserved, while new forms of worship, such as piyyut (liturgical poetry) and organized prayer, developed.^[343] Rabbinic instruction, however, maintained that certain practices should remain exclusive to the Temple.^[344] The Mishnah instructed that prayers be directed towards Jerusalem, and most synagogues face the site of the Temple rather than mirroring its orientation.^[345] This reflects the idea that synagogues were not intended to be replicas of the Temple but rather distant extensions of its sanctity.^[345]

According to Rabbinic literature, following the destruction of the Temple, some Jews refrained from eating meat and drinking wine as a mourning practice, expressing their grief over the loss.^[346] Josephus interpreted the destruction of the Temple as a sign that God had turned to the Romans due to Jewish sin, urging submission to Roman rule. However, he believed that the covenant between God and Israel remained valid, with restoration dependent on Jewish repentance, a view akin to that of Jeremiah and the biblical authors of the Deuteronomic history regarding the destruction of the First Temple in 587/6 BCE.^[347] Certain Jewish communities adopted the year of the Temple's destruction as a reference point for life events; for instance, Jewish tombstones from the Zoara cemetery uniformly calculate dates from this event.^[348] The destruction may have contributed to the gradual separation of Christianity from Judaism, possibly prompting early Christians to distance themselves from Jews. The Gospels, followed by later Patristic writings, seem to portray the Jews' suffering as a deserved punishment for rejecting Jesus.^[347]

Mourning over the destruction of the Temple, along with similar explanations, is also found in apocalyptic works from the post-destruction period, including Fourth Esdras and the Apocalypse of Baruch.^[349] These pseudonymous texts frame the destruction of the Second Temple within the context of the destruction of the First Temple.^[350] Both works portray the destruction as decreed and executed by God, but they differ in assigning blame: Fourth Ezra attributes it to humanity's inherent sinfulness, while the Apocalypse of Baruch focuses exclusively on the sins of Israel.^[351] Despite the suffering, both texts view the Temple's fall as a providential sign of the approaching culmination of time, with the destruction representing God's hidden plan.^[352] Fourth Ezra concludes with a strong declaration of the continued validity of the covenant, while the Apocalypse of Baruch emphasizes that, despite the destruction of the Temple, the Jews still possess the Torah.^[347]

The rabbis' evolving response to the revolt and its aftermath is expressed through tales, traditions, exegetical writings, and other genres, integrated into rabbinic literature over the course of several centuries.^[353] These texts attribute the destruction of Jerusalem and the Temple to divine punishment for Israel's sins alongside societal and social failings.^[354] Works such as the Babylonian Talmud emphasize a lack of strong leadership, internal divisions, the misuse of wealth, and lacking communal care as leading factors for the calamity.^[355] One notable story, Kamsa and Bar Kamsa, recounts a banquet where the host mistakenly invites Bar Kamsa instead of Kamsa. When Bar Kamsa is dishonored by being denied a seat, he becomes an informer to the Romans, setting off a chain of events that leads to the war.^[356] In another story, after learning that the rabbis had attempted to negotiate a settlement with the Romans, the revolutionary leaders in Jerusalem destroyed the food supplies that three wealthy men—Ben Kalba' Sabua', Naqdimon ben Gurion, and Ben Sisit Hakkeset—had gathered, allowing to sustain the city for 21 years.^[356] Rabbinic texts also express lamentation and depict divine and angelic figures mourning the destruction.^[355]

According to rabbinic sources,^[e] Rabbi Yohanan ben Zakkai (Ribaz), a leading Pharisaic sage, was smuggled out of besieged Jerusalem in a coffin by his students. After predicting Vespasian's rise to the throne, he secured permission from the future emperor to establish a rabbinic center in Yavneh. While the details of Ben Zakkai's escape remain difficult to verify, various explanations have been offered for Yavneh's establishment as the new center of Jewish spirituality.^[f][337] Notably, this account shares similarities with Josephus' narrative of his own escape and predictions, despite some inconsistencies. Josephus' writings confirm that several dignitaries escaped Jerusalem during the siege, lending plausibility to Ben Zakkai's escape.^[337]

The establishment of the center in Yavneh allowed the development of an organized and authoritative system of rabbinic scholarship,^[g] which became the basis for the emergence of Rabbinic Judaism as the dominant form of Judaism in the centuries that followed.^[291] Under the leadership of Ben Zakkai, and later his successor Gamaliel II, the son of Simeon ben Gamliel,^[361] Yavneh became a prominent rabbinic center where various enactments (taqqanot) were issued to reshape Jewish life and adapt it to the post-destruction reality. These measures included adapting Temple-related practices for observance outside the Temple.^[362][291] For example, the mitzvah of taking the lulav was extended to all seven days of Sukkot everywhere, previously observed only in the Temple.^[291] He also permitted the shofar to be sounded in any courtyard when the New Year coincided with Shabbat, rather than restricting it to the Temple courts as had been the practice previously.^[363] Gamaliel sought to maintain ties with the diaspora by visiting communities abroad and welcoming visitors to Yavneh for study and consultation.^[364][363] Additionally, the prayer liturgy was formalized, including the Amidah, which was established to be recited three times daily as a substitute for the sacrificial offerings.^[365][366]

The revolt marked the beginning of the Jewish–Roman wars, which radically changed the eastern Mediterranean and had a crucial impact on Jewish history and on the development of the Roman Empire. Despite the Jewish defeat in the war, tensions continued to build in the region. In 115 CE, large-scale Jewish uprisings, known as the Diaspora Revolt, erupted almost simultaneously across several eastern provinces, including Cyprus, Egypt, Libya, and Mesopotamia, with limited activity in Judaea. The causes of the revolt are complex and uncertain,^[367][368] but they can be attributed to the destruction of the Temple and the imposition of the Jewish Tax following the First Jewish–Roman War.^[367] Refugees and traders from Judaea—including sicarii who fled to Egypt and Cyrenaica around 71 CE^[369][370]—are believed to have spread the ideas rooted in the First Revolt, as evidenced by the discovery of coinage from that revolt in these regions.^[369] The uprisings were marked by extreme violence and took two years for the Romans to suppress, resulting in heavy casualties and the near-total ethnic cleansing of Jewish communities in Cyprus, Egypt, and Libya.^[371][372]

The third and final conflict in the Jewish–Roman Wars, known as the Bar Kokhba revolt, erupted in Judaea in 132, concentrating in Judea proper^[h][373] and led by Simon bar Kokhba. The establishment of Aelia Capitolina, a Roman colony on the ruins of Jerusalem—an act described by Goodman as the "final solution for Jewish rebelliousness"^[374]—two years earlier, served as a direct catalyst.^[375][376] Prior to the revolt, the Jews strategically built numerous hiding complexes, indicating a large-scale preparation.^[376] Initially successful, Bar Kokhba established a short-lived state and minted coins featuring symbols and slogans proclaiming Jewish independence, similar to those of the rebellion of 66–73 CE.^[377] However, Roman forces under Emperor Hadrian eventually crushed the revolt. The result was a level of destruction and death described as a genocide of the Jews.^[378] Judea proper experienced significant depopulation, with a large number of Jews sold into slavery and transported to other regions.^[379]

After the fall of Betar and the death of Bar Kokhba around 135 CE,^[380] Hadrian's punishment included banning Jews from Jerusalem and its surrounding areas, and renaming the province from Judaea to Syria Palaestina.^[381] Hadrian also imposed laws targeting Jewish practices, such as Shabbat observance and circumcision,^{[citation needed]} with the goal of dismantling Jewish nationalism.^[381] The revolt also sealed the fate of the Jerusalem Temple, preventing its rebuilding for the foreseeable future.^{[citation needed]} Although Hadrian's death in 137 eased some of the restrictions and persecution, the Jewish population in the region had greatly diminished.^[379] The remaining Jews were largely concentrated in Galilee, the Golan, and coastal plain cities, with smaller communities along the fringes of Judea and a few other areas.^[382] The revolt's failure marked the end of organized Jewish efforts to regain national independence.^[381][383]

The Triumph of Titus, painting by Lawrence Alma-Tadema, 1885

Relief on the Arch of Titus (completed 81 CE) depicting spoils from the fall of Jerusalem, commemorating the Roman victory in the war

Vespasian's rise to power, following a period of civil conflict and lacking the prestige of the Julio-Claudian dynasty, utilized the victory over the Jews as a central tool for securing Rome's glory and diverting attention from internal struggles.^{[26][384][385]} A first-generation senator from a modest background, the new emperor capitalized on the victory, emphasizing the restoration of peace in his message.^[386] The Flavian dynasty he founded—continuing under his sons Titus and Domitian until the latter's death in 96 CE^[387]—used this victory to solidify their claim to imperial rule.^[388]

In summer 71 CE,^[389][390] a year after the capture of Jerusalem, a triumph was held in Rome to mark the victory,^[193][388]—a unique event in Roman history, as it was the only triumph celebrating the subjugation of an existing province's population.^[391][390] Josephus' description of the triumph, found in Book VII of The Jewish War,^[392] provides the longest and most detailed surviving account of any triumph from the Imperial period.^{[193][393][394]} The triumph, which began in the Campus Martius and ended on the Capitoline Hill,^[395] is estimated to have been witnessed by a crowd of hundreds of thousands.^[396] Vespasian and Titus rode in a pair of triumphal chariots, with Domitian following separately beside them.^[395][397] The procession featured numerous treasures and artworks, including purple-dyed tapestries, embroidered rugs, gemstones, sculptures of deities, and adorned animals.^[398] The Jewish captives were marched, according to Josephus, "to make a display of their own destruction".^[399][257] Moving scaffolds, some three or four stories high, displayed golden frames, ivory craftsmanship, and gold tapestries, illustrating scenes of the war such as ruined cities, destroyed fortresses, defeated enemies, and captured generals.^[400] Among the treasures carried in the procession were the Temple's menorah, a golden table, possibly that of the Showbread, and "the law of the Jews", possibly sacred Jewish texts taken from the Temple.^[401] Simon bar Giora, the Jewish rebel leader, was paraded in the procession and, upon its end on Capitoline Hill, was scourged, taken to the Mamertine Prison and hanged in accordance with Roman law.^[397]

A Judaea Capta coin issued by Vespasian, depicting a bound captive and a mourning woman beneath a date palm, symbolizing the defeat of Judaea and the Jewish people

Roman denarius depicting Titus, c. 79. The reverse commemorates his triumph in the Jewish war, representing a Jewish captive kneeling in front of a trophy of arms

The Flavian dynasty issued an extensive series of coins inscribed with the title Judaea Capta ("Judaea has been conquered"), commemorating the conquest and subjugation of the province.^[402] This represented a rare instance of a provincial defeat being prominently celebrated in Roman coinage.^[403] Issued over a 10–12-year period, these coins played a significant role in the Flavian propaganda strategy across the empire.^[403] The obverse featured portraits of either Vespasian or, more commonly, Titus,^[403] while the reverse depicted symbolic imagery: a mourning woman, representing the Jewish people, seated beneath a date palm, emblematic of the province of Judaea.^[402] Variations included depictions of the woman as bound, kneeling, or blindfolded before Nike (or Victoria), the personification of victory.^[403] The Caesarea mint appears to have modified the imagery to reduce potential offense to the Jews of Judaea, omitting more provocative motifs such as a half-naked captive.^[403]

Under the Flavians, Rome's city center was transformed with monuments commemorating the victory,^[296] including two triumphal arches: the Arch of Titus on the Via Sacra, completed after Titus' death in 81 CE, and another at the Circus Maximus, finished earlier that same year.^{[404][388][384]} The first is widely believed to have been constructed by Domitian and, as its inscription states, was dedicated by the Senate and People of Rome to the divine Vespasian and Titus.^[405] Notably, it features two prominent reliefs: one depicting soldiers bearing the Temple spoils and the other showing Titus in a quadriga during his triumph.^[406] The latter arch, situated in one of Rome's major entertainment venues, celebrated, according to its inscription, that Titus subdued "the Jewish people and destroyed the city of Jerusalem, a thing either sought in vain by all generals, kings and peoples before him or untried entirely." This claim overlooks earlier conquests of the city, including that of the Roman general Pompey a century earlier.^[407]

The spoils from Jerusalem's Temple, including the Temple menorah and the Table of Shewbread, were displayed in the newly built Temple of Peace, alongside masterpieces of Greek art.^{[408][384][409]} Completed around 75 CE^[409] and dedicated to Pax, the Roman goddess of peace,^[384] the temple symbolized the restoration of peace throughout the Roman Empire.^[410] The revenues from the Fiscus Judaicus were used for the reconstruction of the Temple of Jupiter Optimus Maximus on the Capitoline Hill,^[411] which had been destroyed during the civil war.^[412] Additionally, the Colosseum, initiated by Vespasian and completed under Titus, was financed "ex manubi(i)s" (from the spoils of war), as noted in an inscription, implicitly tying its funding to the Jewish War.^[413]

The main primary source for the Jewish revolt is Josephus (37/38–c. 100 CE^[414][415]), born Yosef ben Mattityahu,^[414] a Jewish historian of priestly descent and a native of Jerusalem.^[416][417] Appointed commander of Galilee early in the war, he took refuge in a cave after the Siege of Yodfat in 67 CE, joining a suicide pact that he later abandoned when only one other participant remained alive.^[418] He surrendered to Vespasian, securing his life by prophesying Vespasian's rise to emperor.^[418] For two years, he remained a prisoner and witnessed many events firsthand. After Vespasian was proclaimed emperor by his legions, he recalled Josephus' prophecy and granted him freedom.^[187] After his release, Josephus joined Vespasian and Titus, traveling with them to Alexandria in late 69 and then returning with Titus to Judaea, where he witnessed the siege and destruction of Jerusalem and its Temple in 70 CE.^[419][420] In the spring of 71, Josephus accompanied Titus to Rome,^[419][190] where he lived in Vespasian's former palace as a historian under imperial patronage and authored all of his works.^[330][421] He was granted a pension, sacred books, and land in Judaea, and married multiple times, having several children.^[418][421] As part of his new status, he was given the name Flavius Josephus, after the patron who granted him Roman citizenship.^[422]

Josephus' first work, and the primary account of the Jewish revolt, was The Jewish War, which he began writing it shortly after the war's conclusion and completed it by the summer of 79 CE.^[423] Initially composed in his native language, probably Aramaic,^[424] Josephus later rewrote the work in Greek with the assistance of associates.^{[421][425][424][426]} The book is divided into seven volumes: the first serves as a prelude, covering the two centuries preceding the revolt, while the remaining volumes address the war itself and culminate with its aftermath.^[420] Josephus claimed his purpose in writing the work was to correct biased and inaccurate accounts circulating at the time,^[422] and to deter the conquered from rebelling against the Romans.^[427][238] The work primarily draws on Josephus' firsthand observations as a participant and eyewitness during the first years of the revolt, supplemented by accounts from Jewish deserters, and relies on memoirs and military commentaries for the later events.^[238][420] It minimizes the collective responsibility of the Jewish people for the revolt,^[428] attributing it instead to a rebellious minority,^[238][429] the corruption, misrule and brutality of Roman governors,^[430] and the will of God.^[431] Through this, Josephus urged moderation in the Roman response to the Jews, portraying them as not inherently rebellious, while simultaneously warning both Jews in Judaea and the Diaspora against rebellion or vengeance against Rome. He also used the text to present his actions and positions positively, engaging in self-praise while disparaging his opponents. Josephus took pride in receiving official endorsement from his patrons, Vespasian and Titus, for the accuracy of his writings;^[432] he was likely compelled to present his account in a manner that aligned with their messages or, at the very least, did not contradict them.^[i] Josephus' second major work, Antiquities of the Jews, which he began in the 80s CE and completed by 93/94 CE,^[435] provides a comprehensive history of the Jewish people, covering their origins from creation up to the onset of the revolt. While it overlaps with The Jewish War in covering the period from 175 BCE to 66 CE, which serves as the background for the revolt's eruption, Antiquities offers greater detail on this era,^[436] differing in several respects, including its greater emphasis on internal Jewish conflicts rather than on Jewish-Roman relations.^[437]

Another work by Josephus relevant to the war is his later autobiographical text Life, which focuses on his actions as commander in Galilee.^[438] The work, which serves as an appendix to Antiquities,^[438] was written as a rebuttal to A History of the Jewish War by the Jewish historian Justus of Tiberias.^[426] The latter work, published twenty years after the revolt,^[439] survives only in quotes by Josephus,^[440] Eusebius^[441] and Jerome.^[442] It was highly critical of Josephus' The Jewish War and apparently attacked his religiosity.^[443] In Life, Josephus provides a detailed account of the events of 66–67 CE, offering a narrative that contrasts with his earlier work, revealing differences in the portrayal of events.^[436]

Other accounts of the revolts, though not as accurate as Josephus, come from the Histories of Tacitus, The Twelve Caesars of Suetonius and the Strategemata of Frontinus.^{[citation needed]} Tacitus' Histories, written in the early 2nd century CE, features a detailed overview of Jewish history in Book 5, chapters 1–13, intended as an introduction to the Jewish revolt, including his narrative of the siege of Jerusalem, now lost.^[415]

Another account of the revolt comes from a 4th-century chronicle written in Latin by an anonymous author, erroneously thought to be Hegesippus in the past and thus commonly referred to as Pseudo-Hegesippus. However, such work is usually seen as nothing more than a rewriting of The Jewish War of Josephus with blatant anti-Jewish and pro-Christian alterations, and is therefore dismissed as unreliable by scholars.^{[citation needed]}

According to Fergus Millar, the revolt represents "the best-attested series of operations by the Roman army in the entire history of the Empire."^[330]

Jewish–Roman wars

• Diaspora Revolt (115–117 CE)
  • Kitos War
• Bar Kokhba revolt (132–136 CE)

Later Jewish and Samaritan revolts

• Jewish revolt against Constantius Gallus (352)
• Samaritan revolts (484–572)
• Jewish revolt against Heraclius (614-617/625)

Related topics

• First Jewish Revolt coinage
• History of the Jews in Italy
• History of the Jews in the Roman Empire
• Josephus problem
• List of conflicts in the Near East
• List of Jewish civil wars
• Religious persecution in the Roman Empire
• Sicaricon (Jewish law)