Under the Insular/Continental Celtic hypothesis, Celtiberian and Gaulish are grouped together as Continental Celtic languages but this grouping is paraphyletic: no evidence suggests the two shared any common innovation separately from Insular Celtic. According to Ranko Matasovic in the introduction to his 2009 Etymological Dictionary of Proto-Celtic : "Celtiberian...is almost certainly an independent branch on the Celtic genealogical tree, one that became separated from the others very early."[4]
Celtiberian has a fully inflected relative pronoun ios (as does, for instance, Ancient Greek), an ancient feature that was not preserved by the other Celtic languages, and the particles-kue 'and' < *kʷe (cf. Latin -que, Attic Greek τεte), nekue 'nor' < *ne-kʷe (cf. Latin neque), ekue 'also, as well' < *h₂et(i)-kʷe (cf. Lat. atque, Gaulish ate, OIr. aith 'again'), ve "or" (cf. Latin enclitic -ve and Attic Greek ἤē < Proto-Greek *ē-we). As in Welsh, there is an s-subjunctive, gabiseti "he shall take" (Old Irish gabid), robiseti, auseti. Compare Umbrianferest "he/she/it shall make" or Ancient Greekδείξῃdeiksēi (aorist subj.) / δείξειdeiksei (future ind.) "(that) he/she/it shall show".
Celtiberian and Gaulish placename element -brigā 'hill, town, akro-polis' < *bʰr̥ǵʰ-eh₂;
nebintor 'they are watered' < *nebʰ-i-nt-or;
dinbituz 'he must build' < *dʰingʰ-bī-tōd, ambi-dingounei 'to build around > to enclose' < *h₂m̥bi-dʰingʰ-o-mn-ei (cf. Latin fingō 'to build, shape' < *dʰingʰ-o, Old Irish cunutgim 'erect, build up' < *kom-ups-dʰingʰ-o), ambi-diseti '(that someone) builds around > enclose' < *h₂m̥bi-dʰingʰ-s-e-ti.
gortika 'mandatory, required' < *gʰor-ti-ka (cfr. Latin ex-horto 'exhort' < *ex-gʰor-to); though, as the meaning in Celtiberian cannot be determined with certainty, this root may be related to Old Irish gort "field" (<PIE: *ghо̄rdh-s, Gen. *ghrdh-os ‘enclosure, garden, pen") and its many Indo-European cognates.[6]
duatir 'daughter' < *dʰugh₂tēr, duateros 'grandson, son of the daughter' (Common Celtic *duxtir);
bezom 'mine' < *bʰedʰ-yo 'that is pierced'.
PIE *kʷ: Celtiberian preserved the PIEvoicelesslabiovelarkʷ (hence Q-Celtic), a development also observed in Archaic Irish and Latin. On the contrary Brythonic and Gaulish (P-Celtic—a change also seen in some dialects of Ancient Greek and some Italic branches like P-Italic) changed kʷ to p. -kue 'and' < *kʷe, Latin -que, Osco-Umbrian -pe 'and', neip 'and not, neither' < *ne-kʷe.
PIE *ḱw > ku: ekuohorse (in ethnic name ekualakos) < *h₁eḱw-ālo (cf. Middle Welsh ebawl 'foal' < *epālo, Latin equus 'horse', OIr. ech 'horse' < *eko´- < *h₁eḱwo-, OBret. eb < *epo- < *h₁eḱwo-);
kū 'dog' < *kuu < *kwōn, in Virokū, 'hound-man, male hound/wolf, werewolf' (cfr. Old Irish Ferchú < *Virokū, Old Welsh Gurcí < *Virokū 'idem.'.[7]
PIE *gʷ > b: bindis 'legal agent' < *gʷiHm-diks (cfr. Latin vindex 'defender');[8]
PIE *gʷʰ > gu: guezonto < *gʷʰedʰ-y-ont 'imploring, pleading'. Common Celtic *guedyo 'ask, plead, pray', OIr. guidid, W. gweddi.
PIE *p > *φ > ∅: Loss of PIE *p, e.g. *ro- (Celtiberian, Old Irish and Old Breton) vs. Latin pro- and Sanskritpra-. ozas sues acc. pl. fem. 'six feet, unit of measure' (< *φodians < *pod-y-ans *sweks);
aila 'stone building' < *pl̥-ya (cfr. OIr. ail 'boulder');
vamos 'higher' < *uφamos < *up-m̥os;
vrantiom 'remainder, rest' < *uper-n̥tiyo (cfr. Latin (s)uperans).
Toponym Litania now Ledaña 'broad place' < *pl̥th2-ny-a.
Final *-m is preserved in Celtiberian (and Lepontic), a further indication of these dialects' conservatism. It is generally fronted to -n in Gaulish (exceptional cases, for instance on the Larzac tablet, are probably due to influence from Latin): boustom "stable."[10]
Consonant clusters
PIE *mn > un: as in Lepontic, Brittonic and Gaulish, but not Old Irish and seemingly not Galatian. Kouneso 'neighbour' < *kom-ness-o < *Kom-nedʰ-to (cf. OIr. comnessam 'neighbour' < *Kom-nedʰ-t-m̥o).
PIE *pn > un: Klounia < *kleun-y-a < *kleup-ni 'meadow' (Cfr. OIr. clúain 'meadow' < *klouni). However, in Latin *pn > mn: damnum 'damage' < *dHp-no.
PIE *nm > lm: Only in Celtiberian. melmu < *men-mōn 'intelligence', Melmanzos 'gifted with mind' < *men-mn̥-tyo (Cfr. OIr. menme 'mind' < *men-mn̥. Also occurs in modern Spanish: alma 'soul' < *anma < Lat. anima, Asturian galmu 'step' < Celtic *kang-mu.
PIE *ps > *ss / s: usabituz 'he must excavate (lit. up/over-dig)' < *ups-ad-bʰiH-tōd, Useizu * < *useziu < *ups-ed-yō 'highest'. The ethnic name contestani in Latin (contesikum in native language), recall the proper name Komteso 'warm-hearted, friendly' (< *kom-tep-so, cf. OIr. tess 'warm' > *tep-so). In Latin epigraphy that sound is transcribed with geminated: Usseiticum 'of the Usseitici' < *Usseito < *upse-tyo. However, in Gaulish and Brittonic *ps > *x (cf. Gaulish Uxama, MW. uchel, 'one six').
PIE *pt > *tt / t: setantu 'seventh' (< *septmo-to). However, in Gaulish and Insular Celtic *pt > x: sextameto 'seventh', Old Irish sechtmad (< *septmo-e-to).
es- 'out of, not' < *eks < *h₁eǵʰs (cf. Lat. ex-, Common Celtic *exs-, OIr. ess-). In Latin epigraphy that sound its transcript with geminated: Suessatium < *sweks- 'the sixth city' (cfr. Latin Sextantium)[11]
Dessicae < *deks-ika. However, in Gaulish *ks > *x: Dexivates.
PIE *gt > *kt > *tt / t: ditas 'constructions, buildings' < *dʰigʰ-tas (= Latin fictas);
loutu 'load' < *louttu < *louktu < *leugʰ-tu;
litom 'it is permitted', ne-litom 'it is not permitted' (< *l(e)ik-to, cf. Latin licitum < *lik-e-to). But Common Celtic *kt > *xt: luxtu < *louktu < *leugʰ-tu, OIr. lucht.
Celtiberian Retugenos 'right born, lawful' < *h₃reg-tō-genos, Gaulish Rextugenos. In Latin epigraphy that sound is transcribed with geminated: Britto 'noble' < *brikto < *bʰr̥ǵʰ-to.
Bruttius 'fruitful' < *bruktio < *bʰruHǵ-t-y-o (cfr. Latin Fructuosus 'profitable').
PIE *st > *st: against Gaulish, Irish and Welsh, where the change was *st > ss. This preservation of the PIE cluster *st is another indication of the phonological conservatism of this dialect. Gustunos 'excellent' < *gustu 'excellence' < *gus-tu. Old Irish gussu 'excellence' (cfr. Fergus < *viro-gussu), Gaulish gussu (Lezoux Plate, line 7).
Vowels
PIE *e, *h₁e > e: Togoitei eni 'in Togotis' < *h₁en-i (cf. Lat. in, OIr. in 'into, in'), somei eni touzei 'inside of this territory', es- 'out of, not' < *eks < *h₁eǵʰs (cf. Lat. ex-, Common Celtic *exs-, OIr. ess-), esankios 'not enclosed, open' lit. 'unfenced' < *h₁eǵʰs-*h₂enk-yos, treba 'settlement, town', Kontrebia 'conventus, capital' < *kom-treb-ya (cf. OIr. treb, W. tref 'settlement'), ekuohorse < *h₁ekw-os, ekualo 'horseman'.
PIE *o, *Ho > o: olzui (dat.sing.) 'for the last' (< *olzo 'last' < *h₂ol-tyo, cf. Lat. ultimus < *h₂ol-t-m̥o. OIr. ollam 'master poet' < *oltamo < *h₂ol-t-m̥), okris 'mountain' (< *h₂ok-r-i, cf. Lat. ocris 'mountain', OIr. ochair 'edge' < *h₂ok-r-i), monima 'memory' (< *monī-mā < *mon-eye-mā).
PIE *eh₁ > ē > ī?. This Celtic reflex isn't well attested in Celtiberian. e.g. IE *h3rēg'-s meaning "king, ruler" vs. Celtiberian -reiKis, Gaulish -rix, British rix, Old Irish, Old Welsh, Old Breton ri meaning "king". In any case, the maintenance of PIE ē = ē is well attested in dekez 'he did' < *deked < *dʰeh₁k-et, identical to Latin fecit.
PIE *eh₂ > ā: dāunei 'to burn' < *deh₂u-nei (Old Irish dóud, dód 'burn' < *deh₂u-to-), silabur sāzom 'enough money, a considerable amount of money' (< *sātio < *seh₂t-yo, Common Celtic *sāti 'sufficiency', OIr. sáith), kār 'friendship' (< *keh₂r, cf. Lat. cārus 'dear' < *keh₂r-os, Irish cara 'friend', W. caru 'love' < *kh₂r-os).
PIE *eh₃, *oH > a/u: Celtic *ū in final syllables and *ā in non-final syllables, e.g. IE *dh3-tōd to Celtiberian datuz meaning 'he must give'. dama 'sentence' < *dʰoh₁m-eh₂ 'put, dispose' (cfr. Old Irish dán 'gift, skill, poem', Germanic dōma < *dʰoh₁m-o 'verdict, sentence').
PIE *Hw- > w-: uta 'conj. and, prep. besides' (< *h₂w-ta, 'or, and', cfr, Umb. ute 'or', Lat. aut 'or' (< *h₂ew-ti).
PIE ey remains ey in Celtiberian and Lepontic (teiuo- < *dēywo-), but in other Celtic languages, it becomes ē (apparently, another indication of the conservatism of Celtiberian, unless these spellings indicate a high /e/ rather than an actual diphthong).[12]
Syllabic resonants and laryngeals
PIE *n̥ > an / *m̥ > am: arganto 'silver' < *h₂r̥gn̥to (cf. OIr. argat and Latin argentum). kamanom 'path, way' *kanmano < *kn̥gs-mn̥-o (cf. OIr. céimm, OW. cemmein 'step'), decameta 'tithe' < *dekm̥-et-a (cf. Gaulish decametos 'tenth', Old Irish dechmad 'tenth'), dekam 'ten' (cf. Lat. decem, Common Celtic dekam, OIr. deich < *dekm̥), novantutas 'the nine tribes', novan 'nine' < *h₁newn̥ (cf. Lat. novem, Common Celtic *novan, OW. nauou < *h₁newn̥), ās 'we, us' (< *ans < *n̥s, Old Irish sinni < *sisni, *snisni 'we, us', cf. German uns < *n̥s), trikanta < *tri-kn̥g-ta, lit. 'three horns, three boundaries' > 'civil parish, shire' (modern Spanish Tres Cantos).
Like Common Celtic and Italic (SCHRIJVER 1991: 415, McCONE 1996: 51 and SCHUMACHER 2004: 135), PIE *CHC > CaC (C = any consonant, H = any laryngeal): datuz < *dh₃-tōd, dakot 'they put' < *dʰh₁k-ont, matus 'propitious days' < *mh₂-tu (Latin mānus 'good' < *meh₂-no, Old Irish maith 'good' < *mh₂-ti).
PIE *CCH > CaC (C = any consonant, H = any laryngeal): Magilo 'prince' (< *mgh₂-i-lo, cf. OIr. mál 'prince' < *mgh₂-lo).
PIE *r̥R > arR and *l̥R > alR (R = resonant): arznā 'part, share' < *φarsna < *parsna < *pr̥s-nh₂. Common Celtic *φrasna < *prasna < *pr̥s-nh₂, cf. Old Irish ernáil 'part, share'.
PIE *Cr̥HV > CarV and *Cl̥HV > CalV: sailo 'dung, slurry' *salyo < *sl̥H-yo (cf. Lat. saliva < *sl̥H-iwa, OIr. sal 'dirt' < *sl̥H-a), aila 'stone building' < *pl̥-ya (cf. OIr. ail 'boulder'), are- 'first, before' (Old Irish ar 'for', Gaulish are 'in front of', < *pr̥h₂i. Lat. prae- 'before' < *preh₂i).
Like Common Celtic (JOSEPH 1982: 51 and ZAIR 2012: 37), PIE *HR̥C > aRC (H = any laringeal, R̥ any syllabic resonant, C = any consonant): arganto 'silver' < *h₂r̥gn̥to, not **riganto.
Exclusive developments
Affrication of the PIE groups -*dy-, -*dʰy-. -*ty- > z/th (/θ/) located between vowels and of -*d, -*dʰ > z/th (/θ/) at the end of the word: adiza 'duty' < *adittia < *h₂ed-d(e)ik-t-ya; Useizu 'highest' < *ups-ed-yō; touzu 'territory' < *teut-yō; rouzu 'red' < *reudʰy-ō; olzo 'last' < *h₂ol-tyo; ozas 'feet' < *pod-y-ans; datuz < *dh₃-tōd; louzu 'free' (in: LOUZOKUM, MLH IV, K.1.1.) < *h₁leudʰy-ō (cf. Oscanloufir 'free man', Russianljúdi 'men, people'. That this is one of only a very few phonological developments that distinguishes Celtiberian phonologically from Proto-Celtic is one of the reasons Matasovic has concluded that Celtiberian is a very early independent branch of Proto-Celtic.[13] It is noteworthy that this weakening of most non-initial Proto-Celtic voiced dental stops (ds) seems to indicate that Celtiberian had taken the first step in what became more widespread lenition of non-initial (and in some cases even initial) voiced consonants in later Celtic dialects.[14]
An -n- stem can be seen in melmu nom.sg. < *-ōn, melmunos gen. sg. (from Botorrita III, probably a name).
It is notable that the genitive singular -o- stem ends in -o in Celtiberian, unlike the rest of Celtic (and Italic) where this ending is -ī [20][21]
There is also a potential Vocative case, however this is very poorly attested, with only an ambiguous -e ending for o-stem nouns being cited in literature.
Forms of the masculine singular relative pronoun *yo- can be found in the first Botorrita plaque: The form io-s in line 10 is the nominative singular masculine of the relative pronoun from Proto-Indo-European *yo- (Sanskrit ya-, Greek hos), which shows up in Old Irish only as the aspiration[clarification needed] for leniting relative verb forms. Line 7 has the accusative singular io-m and the dative singular io-mui of the same root.[23]
Verbal endings
The Indo-European third person verbal ending system seems to be evident, though the exact meaning of many verbs remains unclear: primary singular active *-ti in ambitise-ti (Botorrita I, A.5), '(that someone) builds around > encloses' from *h₂m̥bhi-dʰingʰ-s-e-ti, and auzeti, secondary *-t > /θ/ written <z> in terbere-z (SP.02.08, B-4) and perhaps kombalke-z; primary plural active *-nti in ara-nti (Z.09.24, A-4) and zizonti "they sow" (or perhaps "they give" with assimilation of the initial do the medial <z>),[24] secondary *-nt perhaps in atibio-n (Z.09.24, A-5), middle voice *-nto in auzanto (Z.09.03, 01) and perhaps esianto (SP.02.08 A-2).[25]
A third person imperative *-tо̄d > -tuz perhaps is seen in da-tuz "he must give" (Bronze plaque of Torrijo del Campo), usabituz, bize-tuz (Botorrita I A.5) and dinbituz 'he must build' < *dʰingʰ-bī-tōd.
A possible third person singular subjunctive -a-ti may be asekati, and another in -e-ti may be seen in auzeti < *aw-dhh1-e-ti "he may bestow."[26]
From the same root, we may have a truncated form of an athematic active third person singular aorist if auz is from *auzaz < *aw-dh h1-t.[27]
Also from the same root, an example of the genitive plural of the present active participle ending -nt-om may be found on the Novallas bronze tablet in audintum < *awdheh1-nt-ōm.[28]
Possible infinitive form -u-nei perhaps from *-mn-ei may be seen in ambi-tinko-unei (Botorrita I A.5), and in ta-unei ‘to give’,[29][30] a reduplicated infinitive form in ti-za-unei if from *dhi-dhh1-mn-ei "to place."[31]
Syntax
Celtiberian syntax is considered to have the basic order subject–object–verb.[32] Another archaic Indo-European feature is the use of the relative pronoun jos and the repetition of enclitised conjunctions such as kwe.
One of four bronze plaques found in Botorrita, this text was written in eastern Celtiberian script. The other side consists of a list of names. (K.01.01.A)
In Togotis, he who draws water either for the green or for the farmland, the tithe (of their yield) he shall give
(Translation: De Bernardo 2007)
Great inscription from Peñalba de Villastar
An inscription in the Latin alphabet in the Celtiberian sanctuary of Peñalba de Villastar, in the current municipality of Villastar, Teruel province. (K.03.03) Other translations, which differ dramatically from this and from each other, may be found in P. Sims-Williams' treatment of the Celtic languages in The Indo-European Languages.[35]
eni Orosei
uta Tigino tiatunei
erecaias to Luguei
araianom komeimu
eni Orosei Ekuoisui-kue
okris olokas togias sistat Luguei tiaso
togias
eni Orosei uta Tigino tiatunei erecaias to Luguei araianom comeimu
In Orosis and the surroundings of Tigino river, we dedicate the fields to Lugus.
eni: in (< *h₁en-i).
Orosei: Orosis (loc. sing. *oros-ei).
uta: and (conj. cop.).
Tigino: of Tigino (river) (gen. sing. *tigin-o).
tiatunei: in the surroundings (loc. sing. *tiatoun-ei < *to-yh₂eto-mn-ei).
erecaias: the furrows > the land cultivated (acc. pl. fem. erekaiās < *perka-i-ans > English furrow).
to Luguei: to Lugus.
araianom: properly, totally, (may be a verbal complement > *pare-yanom, cfr. welsh iawn).
for those of the Lutorici included in the duty, and also of the Cartinoci, of the Lancici and of the Tritoci, must give enough money to settle the debt with them.
Lutorikum: of the Lutorici ( gen. masc. pl.).
eisubos: for those included ( < *h1epi-s-o-bʰos).
adizai: in the assignment, in the duty (loc. fem. sing. < *adittia < *ad-dik-tia. Cfr. Latin addictio 'assignment').
ekue: and also (< *h₂et(i)kʷe).
Kartinokum: of the Cartinoci ( gen. masc. pl.).
Lankikum: of the Lancici ( gen. masc. pl.).
Tirtokum: of the Tritoci ( gen. masc. pl.).
silabur: money.
sazom: enough (< *sātio < *seh₂t-yo).
ibos: for them (dat.3 p.pl. ibus < *i-bʰos).
esatui: to settle the debt (< *essato < *eks-h₂eg-to. Cfr. Latin ex-igo 'demand, require' & exactum 'identical, equivalent').
^Bernd Vath; Sabine Ziegler (2017). "The documentation of Celtic". In Jared Klein; Brian Joseph; Matthias Fritz (eds.). Handbook of Comparative and Historical Indo-European Linguistics. pp. 1168–1188. doi:10.1515/9783110523874-022.
^Francisco Beltrán Lloris , Carlos Jordán Cólera , Borja Díaz Ariño1, and Ignacio Simón Cornago. Journal of Roman Archaeology 34 (2021), 713–733 doi:10.1017/S1047759421000635
^Matasovic, R. Etymological Dictionary Of Proto-Celtic Brill, 2009, pp. 264-265
^Lambert, Pierre-Yves. "Francisco Villar, M.a Pilar Fernandez Álvarez, ed. Religión, lengua y cultura prerromanas de Hispania, Ediciones Universidad de Salamanca, 2001 (Acta Salmanticensia, Estudios Filológicos, 283). = Actas del VIII Coloquio internacional sobre lenguas y culturas prerromanas de la Península Ibérica (11-14 mai 1999, Salamanque)". In: Etudes Celtiques, vol. 35, 2003. p. 393. [www.persee.fr/doc/ecelt_0373-1928_2003_num_35_1_2242_t1_0386_0000_2]
^De Bernardo, P. "La gramática celtibérica del bronce de Botorrita. Nuevos Resultados". In Palaeohispanica 9 (2009), pp. 683-699.
^Schmidt, K. H. "How to define celtiberian archaims?". in Palaeohispanica 10 (2010), pp. 479-487.
^Cólera, Carlos Jordán (2007) "Celtiberian," e-Keltoi: Journal of Interdisciplinary Celtic Studies: Vol. 6, Article 17. p. 768 Available at: https://dc.uwm.edu/ekeltoi/vol6/iss1/17
^De Bernardo Stempel, Patrizia 2009 "El nombre -¿céltico?- de la Pintia vaccea". BSAA Arqueología Nº. 75, (243-256).
^Cólera, Carlos Jordán (2007) "Celtiberian," e-Keltoi: Journal of Interdisciplinary Celtic Studies: Vol. 6, Article 17. p753. Available at: https://dc.uwm.edu/ekeltoi/vol6/iss1/17
^Cólera, Carlos Jordán (2007) "Celtiberian," e-Keltoi: Journal of Interdisciplinary Celtic Studies: Vol. 6, Article 17. p.763 Available at: https://dc.uwm.edu/ekeltoi/vol6/iss1/17
^Gorrochategui, Joaquín 1991 "Descripción y posición lingiiistica del celtibérico" in "Memoriae L. Mitxelena magistri sacrum vol I (3-32)". Ed. Euskal Herriko Unibertsitatea
^Beltrán Lloris, F. Jordán Cólera, C. Marco Simón, F. 2005 "Novedades epigráficas en Peñalba de Villastar (Teruel)". Palaeohispánica: Revista sobre lenguas y culturas de la Hispania antigua Nº. 5, 911-956: ENIOROSEI Dat. sg. de un tema en -i. LVGVEI, Dat. sg. de un tema en -u. ERECAIAS, Gen .sg. de un tema en -a, TIASO, Gen. sg. de un tema en -o
^Villar Liébana, F. 1996 "Fonética y Morfología Celtibéricas". La Hispania prerromana : actas del VI Coloquio sobre lenguas y culturas prerromanas de la Península Ibérica (339-378): 1) filiación expresada mediante genitivo y cuya desinencia es -as < (*-ās) y 2) origen que se expresa mediante ablativo, cuya desinencia es -az < (*-ād)
^Wodtko, Dagmar S. "An outline of Celtiberian grammar" 2003
^Francisco Beltrán Lloris and Carlos Jordán Cólera (2020) "Celtiberian" PALAEOHISPANICA: revista sobre lenguas y culturas de la Hispania antigua pp. 631-690. I.S.S.N. 1578-5386 DOI: 10.36707/palaeohispanica.v0i20.395
^Untermann, J. (1967). "Die Endung des Genitiv singularis der o-Stämme im Keltiberischen." In W. Meid (ed.), Beiträge zur Indogermanistik und Keltologie, Julius Pokorny zum 80. Geburtstag gewidmet, pp. 281-288. Innsbruck: Sprachwissenschaftliches Institut der Universität Innsbruck.
^Jordán Cólera, Carlos "La forma verbal cabint del bronce celtibérico de Novallas". En Emerita, Revista de Lingüística y Filología Clásica LXXXII 2, 2014, pp. 327-343
^Matasovic, R. Etymological Dictionary of Proto-Celtic. Leiden: Brill. 2006. p. 436
^Jordán Cólera, Carlos. "Avdintvm, una nueva forma verbal en celtibérico y sus posibles relaciones paradigmáticas (auzeti, auzanto, auz, auzimei, auzares...)" Universidad Complutense de Madrid. Cuadernos de filología clásica. Estudios griegos e indoeuropeos, 2015-05, Vol.25 (25), pp.11-23
^Jordán Cólera, Carlos. "Avdintvm, una nueva forma verbal en celtibérico y sus posibles relaciones paradigmáticas (auzeti, auzanto, auz, auzimei, auzares...)" Universidad Complutense de Madrid. Cuadernos de filología clásica. Estudios griegos e indoeuropeos, 2015-05, Vol.25 (25), pp.11-23
^Jordán Cólera, Carlos. "Avdintvm, una nueva forma verbal en celtibérico y sus posibles relaciones paradigmáticas (auzeti, auzanto, auz, auzimei, auzares...)" Universidad Complutense de Madrid. Cuadernos de filología clásica. Estudios griegos e indoeuropeos, 2015-05, Vol.25 (25), pp.11-23
^Jordán Cólera, Carlos. "Avdintvm, una nueva forma verbal en celtibérico y sus posibles relaciones paradigmáticas (auzeti, auzanto, auz, auzimei, auzares...)" Universidad Complutense de Madrid. Cuadernos de filología clásica. Estudios griegos e indoeuropeos, 2015-05, Vol.25 (25), pp.11-23
^Francisco Beltrán Lloris and Carlos Jordán Cólera (2020) "Celtiberian" PALAEOHISPANICA: revista sobre lenguas y culturas de la Hispania antigua pp. 631-690. I.S.S.N. 1578-5386 DOI: 10.36707/palaeohispanica.v0i20.395
^Prosper, Blanca María. "Some Thoughts on the Gaulish Result of Common Celtic -mn- in Galatian" Celtic Studies 3. 2008. pp. 189-199, p. 190
^2000. Fife J. 2000. Historical Aspects. In: The Celtic Languages. Ed. by Martin j. Ball. with James Fife. Routledge. P.74
^Matasovic, R. Etymological Dictionary of Proto-Celtic Leiden: Brill. 2009. p. 376
^
Prósper, Blanca M. 2002: «La gran inscripción rupestre celtibérica de Peñalba de
Villastar. Una nueva interpretación», Palaeohispanica 2, pp. 213–226.
Anderson, James M. "Preroman indo-european languages of the hispanic peninsula" . In: Revue des Études Anciennes. Tome 87, 1985, n°3-4. pp. 319–326. [DOI: https://doi.org/10.3406/rea.1985.4212]; [www.persee.fr/doc/rea_0035-2004_1985_num_87_3_4212]
Hoz, Javier de. "Lepontic, Celtiberian, Gaulish and the archaeological evidence". In: Etudes Celtiques. vol. 29, 1992. Actes du IXe congrès international d'études celtiques. Paris, 7-12 juillet 1991. Deuxième partie : Linguistique, littératures. pp. 223–240. DOI: https://doi.org/10.3406/ecelt.1992.2006
Hoz, Javier de. (1996). The Botorrita first text. Its epigraphical background; in: Die größeren altkeltischen Sprachdenkmäler. Akten des Kolloquiums Innsbruck 29. April - 3. Mai 1993, ed. W. Meid and P. Anreiter, 124–145, Innsbruck.
Jordán Cólera, Carlos: (2004). Celtibérico. [1]. University of Zaragoza, Spain.
Joseph, Lionel S. (1982): The Treatment of *CRH- and the Origin of CaRa- in Celtic. Ériu n. 33 (31-57). Dublín. RIA.
Lejeune, Michel (1955) Celtiberica Acta Salmanticensia: Filosofia y Letras, vol. 7, #4. Salamanca. Universidad de Salamanca.
Luján, Eugenio R. "Celtic and Celtiberian in the Iberian peninsula". In: E. Blasco et al. (eds.). Iberia e Sardegna. Le Monnier Universitá. 2013. pp. 97–112. ISBN978-88-00-74449-2
Luján, Eugenio R.; Lorrio, Alberto J. "Un puñal celtibérico con inscripción procedente de Almaraz (Cáceres, España)". In: Etudes Celtiques, vol. 43, 2017. pp. 113–126. DOI: https://doi.org/10.3406/ecelt.2017.1096
McCone, Kim.(1996): Towards a relative chronology of ancient and medieval Celtic sound change Maynooth Studies in Celtic Linguistics 1. Maynooth. St. Patrick's College.
Meid, Wolfgang. (1994). Celtiberian Inscriptions, Archaeolingua, edd. S. Bökönyi and W. Meid, Series Minor, 5, 12–13. Budapest.
Schrijver, Peter (1991): The reflexes of the Proto-Indo-European laryngeals in Latin. Amsterdam. Ed. Rodopi.
Schumacher, Stefan (2004): Die keltischen Primärverben: ein vergleichendes, etymologisches und morphologisches Lexikon. Innsbrucker Beiträge zur Sprachwissenschaft vol. 110. Universität Innsbruck.
Untermann, Jürgen. (1997): Monumenta Linguarum Hispanicarum. IV Die tartessischen, keltiberischen und lusitanischen Inschriften, Wiesbaden.
Velaza, Javier (1999): Balance actual de la onomástica personal celtibérica, Pueblos, lenguas y escrituras en la Hispania Prerromana, pp. 663–683.
Villar, Francisco (1995): Estudios de celtibérico y de toponimia prerromana, Salamanca.
Zair, Nicholas. (2012): The Reflexes of the Proto-Indo-European Laryngeals in Celtic. Leiden. Ed. Brill.
Further reading
Overview
Beltrán Lloris, Francisco; Jordán Cólera, Carlos. "Celtibérico". In: Palaeohispanica: revista sobre lenguas y culturas de la Hispania antigua n. 20 (2020): pp. 631–688. ISSN1578-5386 DOI: 10.36707/palaeohispanica.v0i20.395
Blažek, Václav. "Celtiberian". In: Sborník prací Filozofické fakulty brněnské univerzity. N, Řada klasická = Graeco-Latina Brunensia. 2007, vol. 56, iss. N. 12, pp. [5]-25. ISSN1211-6335.
Jordán Cólera, Carlos (2007). "Celtiberian". e-Keltoi: Journal of Interdisciplinary Celtic Studies. Vol. 6: The Celts in the Iberian Peninsula. Article 17. pp. 749–850. ISSN1540-4889 Available at: https://dc.uwm.edu/ekeltoi/vol6/iss1/17
Fernández, Esteban Ngomo. “A propósito de matrubos y los términos de parentesco en celtibérico”. In: Boletín del Archivo Epigráfico. Universidad Complutense de Madrid. nº. 4 (2019): 5-15. ISSN2603-9117
Fernández, Esteban Ngomo. "El color rojo en celtibérico: del IE *H1roudh- al celtibérico routaikina". In: Boletín del Archivo Epigráfico. Universidad Complutense de Madrid. nº. 6 (junio, 2020): 5-19. ISSN2603-9117
Stifter, David (2006). "Contributions to Celtiberian Etymology II". In: Palaeohispanica: revista sobre lenguas y culturas de la Hispania Antigua, 6. pp. 237–245. ISSN1578-5386.
Simón Cornago, Ignacio; Jordán Cólera, Carlos Benjamín. "The Celtiberian S. A New Sign in (Paleo)Hispanic Epigraphy". In: Tyche 33 (2018). pp. 183–205. ISSN1010-9161
.jpg)
.jpg)
